The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana – Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14th and 15th 2020 [3]

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana –  Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14^th and 15^th 2020 [3]

The Telangana historiography: The Telangana history writers and historiographers have been trying to bring everything within the Telangana geography, history and thus, more generalization, biased interpretation and forced conclusions are thrusted on the readers. They even try to ignore the Andhra history, archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics etc., as if they are alien to them. With a single, few and stray cases, they try to generalize and declare that their finding would be applicable to the whole of Telangana. Nowadays, some sort of statistical data are used showing tables and charts. The researchers are interviewing or getting data with 10 to 100 persons, sites, villages etc., and use to form such tables and charts. With that and their prepared questionnaire, they try to interpret to come to their already decided conclusion. Thus, in such predetermined processes, they ignore the data, information and facts that are not useful for or against their conclusion. They even do not make any whisper in their papers, dissertations or books. The statistical data study in history cannot be accepted, as the data differ and all cannot be equated to form any theory to come to a conclusion.

The names of vocation, job and duties of the Mughal and Colonial periods have been made as castes: The names of vocation, job and duties of the Mughal and Colonial periods have been made as castes. Thus, names of such jobs, occupations, or works are treated as specific castes. Thus, patel, patwari, Talati, Talaiyari, Kotwal, Patnaik, Karnam, Adhikari, Maniyakarar, Shanbog, Kulkharni (official), Tashildar, Zakirdar, Gomastha (bailiff), bania (evaluator, retailer), diwani (supervisor), peyada (guard), sowcar, shroff, saraf (money lenders), Patwardhan, Deshmukh, Gurjar, Pande etc. As could be noted, the jobs wre not permanent and any other person could get such job, if he had capabilities or the ruler changed. Within 100-300 years, these groups were changed with their jobs and duties. Similarly, there were many workers – Sootar / sutar (carpenter), lohar (smith), chambar (shoe/harness-maker), koombhar (potter), nhawee / Navi / navidhan (barber), pureel (washerman), bhar (servant), bheel (watchman), koli/kolee (water-career), mang (rope-maker/servant), muhar / Ramoshi (servant), Mohammedan (butcher) etc., but, they were also changing with times and places. These are given only for illustrative purposes. Ironically, the Telangana researchers are not going deep into the Mughal and colonial documents, but, relying upon the books written recently. As the authors had a particular focus or the result, they wanted to arrive at, evidently, they have not been balanced enough to tell the facts of both sides.

Who were “Patels” in Telangana village?: Telangana researchers interpret that generally in every village patel and patwari, deshmukh occupied the next place of Doras. They argue that these posts were allotted to upper castes, as if , it were a rule, but, it was not so. The patel could belong to any caste but the patwari was invariably a Neogi Brahmin, thus, argues one researcher. Now the patwaris, Police patels were actually in charge of law and order in the village. Nizam wanted to develop this region and appointed contractors or officials like Ijaradars, banjaradars, patels and patwaris. The tax payer was called rayat, malguzar, etc. Many times, these were conferred to certain persons as title also.

Who were “Patwaris” in Telangana village?: Patwari occupied the next place of Dora. the patwari was invariably a Neogi Brahmin. They lived in comfortable bungalows in the style of the landlords served by “Jeethagallu” and “Vettollu”. These people were mischievous and dishonest. “It was generally feared that enmity with a patwari led only to the grave[1]. Now the patwaris, Police patels were actually in charge of law and order in the village. The patwari used to send “Rojnamchas” (daily activities in the village) to government officials, the dora used to take interest in them[2].In every village patwari belongs to Brahmin caste. (Neogi Brahmin). He looks after revenue records of the village. He also live like dora in a banglow and served by Jeethagallu (servants) and vettollu (Vetti labourers).

Patwari, Talati, Talaiyari etc: The Patwar system was first introduced in the Indian subcontinent, during the rule of Sher Shah Suri, and was further enhanced by Akbar. The British colonial era made minor amendments but maintained the system. Also known as Talati and his duties of a include maintaining crop and land records (record of rights) of the village, collection of tax revenue, collection of irrigation dues. The post of the Talati replaced that of the Kulkarni which no longer exists in Gujarat and Maharashtra. The duties of a talati are performed in other states of India under a different title, for example, the talati is called a Patwari in Telangana “thalaiyari” in Tamizhagam[3].

Mudhali, Mudaliar etc: Mudali is the first person of the village or headman. Mudai + ar, yar with reverence, becomes, Mudaliar / Mudaliyar. Mudaliar (alternatively spelled: Muthaliar, Muthaliyar, Mudali, Muthali or Moodley) is a title used by people belonging to various Tamil castes.Castes using the title speak Tamil as their native language. The title was mostly used among Tamils from Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka, and was given to a high-ranking military officer. The title was primarily used by the communities like the Agamudayars, Karaiyars, Sengunthars and Vellalars. Other communities adopted it as means to present themselves as superior to the social status which they actually held. Now, Mudaliars have been dominant groups in Tamilnadu controlling political power and system.

Komati, Gomathi, Chetti, etc: The word is derived differently, because of the misunderstanding and pronunciation of the letter “ko” with “mati.” Definitely, the wealth was equated with cows = ga, go, gau, in the ancient period. Komathi, Kopathi[4] have been common names of the Vaishya names. The Komati is a trading community found primarily in southern and central India, that is currently organised as a caste. The members of the Komati caste are commonly engaged in banking, money lending and other business pursuits. The community consists of many sects who are followers of Hinduism, namely the Gaura or Gavara, the Beeri, the Thrivarnika and the Kalinga, along with the minuscule Jaina Komatis who are followers of Jainism. There is epigraphic evidence that the term Komati was in use by the 11th century CE. The Komati merchants were associated with the town of Penugonda in the West Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh. Inscriptions from the Godavari, Krishna and Guntur districts from 11th century refer to the merchants referred to as the “Lords of Penugonda”. The wealthier sections of the Komatis were addressed as Setti, Chetti or Chettiyar, all derived from the Sanskrit term Sreshthi. Their trade associations bore the name nagaram. They also participated in long-distance trade networks called pekkandru (literally “the many”). During the times of the Vijayanagara Empire, they physically relocated themselves for commercial efficiency in various parts of South India.

Kotwal, Kotval, Citwal, Kothaval etc: Kotwals also spelt as Cotwal, was a title used in medieval India for the leader of a Kot or fort. Kotwals often controlled the fort of a major town or an area of smaller towns on behalf of another ruler. It was similar in function to a British India Zaildar From Mughal times the title was given to the local ruler of a large town and the surrounding area. However, the title is also used for leaders in small villages as well. Kotwal has also been translated as Chief police officer. Major area of Chennai town was known as “Kothaval chavadi,” now disappeared [vegetable, fruits, flower markets shifted to Koyambedu market complex].

Bhudhan movement, what happened?: The Bhoodan Movement attempted to persuade wealthy landowners to voluntarily give a percentage of their land to landless people[5]. Philosophically, Bhave was influenced by Mahatma Gandhi’s Sarvodaya movement. Landless labourers were given small plots on which they were welcome to settle and grow their crops. Bhoodan Acts were passed that stated that the beneficiary had no right to sell the land or use it for non-agricultural purposes or for forestry. For example, Section 25 of the Maharashtra State Bhoodan Act states that the beneficiary (who must be landless) should only use the land for subsistence cultivation. If the “owner” failed to cultivate the land for over a year or tried to use it for non-agriculture activities, the government would have the right to confiscate it. Bhave wanted peasants to give up using bullocks, tractors or other machines for agricultural purposes. This was called rishi-kheti. He also wanted the people to give up using money in the form of kanchan-dan. He was followed by crowds nearly everywhere he went. The movement had the support of Congress. JP Narayan withdrew from active politics to join the Bhoodan movement in 1953. The Nizam of Hyderabad, HEH Mir Osman Ali Khan donated 14,000 acres of his personal land to the Bhoodan Movement

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

17-03-2020

[1] Reddy P.N. Telugu samethalu janajeevanam, Thirupathi Srinivas. Murali Publication, 1983.

[2] Dasharathi Rangacharya 1987. Chillardevullu, Hyderabad Vishalandra 45

[3] Inscriptions give different meaning – Talaiyāri.—(SII 1), Tamil; same as Kannaḍa Talāri; a watchman. See Talavara. Note: talaiyāri is defined in the “Indian epigraphical glossary” as it can be found on ancient inscriptions commonly written in Sanskrit, Prakrit or Dravidian languages.

[4] Gopathi Narayana Chetti Street from Panagal Park to Anna flyover in Chennai has been prominent road in Thyagaraya Chetti Nagar.

[5] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhoodan_movement

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana – Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14th and 15th 2020 [2]

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana –  Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14th and 15th 2020 [2] Keynote address by Adapa Sathyanarayana 11.07to 11.55 am: He started his presentation with “Namaskaram”! He praised Sudharshan Rao, remembered A. Bobbili and then touched upon his topic. S. Kesava Iyengar has studied the earlier Hyderabad state and brought out details of Telangana villages in his two volumes published in 1931. According to Adapa, the “Arya vartha” is different from that of the Telangana village / society / economy, because, here, there was no varna system. In “Aryavartha,” the lands were owned by the “dwijas” – Brahmins and Khatriyas, whereas, here, “Dora-Patel-Patwari-Komiti[10]” were controlling. In Telangana, no Khsatriya was there. The autonomy of Teangana villages were there and they continued up to 19th century. “Dora” as a political organization / status / excessive power / exploitation developed and was the reason for the 1915 armed struggle[11]. The 150 years “Dora” system survived as the integral institution of Telangana. The concept, “coercion and consent” worked faithfully in the Telangana “village republic”.  Islam, Sufism, Christianity have been here, but, anti-Islam was a different aspect in Telangana, because of Razak Khan atrocities. Kutub Shahis were not crusaders. The caturvarna is not here, but, “Dora-Patel-Patwari-Komuti” type system existed. V. Ramesh, Dean, Social Sciences: He had dealt with the issue in sociological angle. In fact, the sociological issues are only, now, discussed in “historical” façade. He pointed out that agricultural, industrial and IT revolutions have affected and changed society much. Murali Manohar, DDE to 12.20 pm: He responded specifically and briefed them into three points. 1.       Using the henchmen / private army to collect revenue: He pointed out that every tax-collector used henchmen to collect revenue. To establish control over the lands and land revenue, they used such power centres, and they were called as “Gadee.” 2.      Most of the rulers of Telangana had been coming from outside:  The dominant Reddy-Khamma-Velama were only ruling and collecting taxes using private armies. Thus, they had control over the economy by means of productive resources – hills, rivers, lands etc. They became “Doras” coming from outside and now the corporates have replaced them. Yet, it is well known how “Reddy families” have been controlling industries and business. Even in villages, they have control over fertilizer shops and others, keeping nearby places and making farmers to come to their places to buy.  Because of these dominance only, the Naxalite and Telengana armed struggle movements developed. 3.      Researchers and historians have to answer or find out as to “why these practices are continuing?” Indirectly, he was refuting the theory of Adapa and responding to the issues raised by him. David, Principal, Local Arts College 12.22 to 12.30 pm: As he is a science professor, he pointed out that Indian spirituality has been accommodative and hence treated everything divine. As Indians believed everything is divine, they could worship stone hills, trees, rivers, and so on as gods and goddesses. God is white in Europe, black in Africa and brown in India. Brahma is brown. Energy is there everywhere, it is there in the atom. Thus, the festivals are celebrated in all forms. “daitya-shudra” types of gods, goddesses and festivals are there to satisfy all. Therefore the SC-ST-BC-Minority unity should be preserved. Sudharshan Rao, Chief Guest 12.31 to 1.14 pm: In his presidential address, he was responding to his preceding speakers. He pointed out that the statistical data study in history cannot be accepted, as the data differ and all cannot be equated to form any theory to come to a conclusion. The British method of revenue collection as continued through the Dakkani Mohammedan rulers. Vinoba Bhave’s  “Bhudhan movement” was unique, as he tried to distribute lands to landless people. But, it is not know, how the lands were distributed. Had the lands been distributed, perhaps, there would not be any people without lands.

The first technical session was held in the mini-seminar hall, as the papers were with PPT. The [paper presenters were – Linga Panduranga Reddy, Anjaiah K. V. Ramakrishna Rao and  Kishan Rao.

Capt L Panduranga Reddy (retd), presented a paper on the significance of “Fazli year” followed by the Moghuls for the purpose of revenue collection.

Prof. Srinath presented a paper in Telugu, based on a novel in Telugu. The narratives given in a novel are taken for the social divisions and struggle for interpretation.

Dr G. Anjaiah detailed about the harmony of places of worship and certain festivals celebrated in Telangana.

K. V. Ramakrishna Rao presented his paper on “Quarrying, granites and politics: Internal consumption for cultural development or export for economic exploitation?”

Prof V. Jaikishan presented a paper on wootz steel manufactured in Telangana for thousands of years.

After PPT presentation, the technical session continued at the seminar hall, where the second session was chaired by Prof Srinath and papers presented. As usual most of the papers had been of the repetitive nature, in the sense that such narratives, papers and books have already been available and the paper-readers tell nothing new.

1. Ironically, the paper-readers who talk about Muharram do not know which sect of Islam celebrate. Coming to Sufism, it is evident that they do not the fundamentals. Just by reading books or taking such narratives from others, they are reading papers and even try to conclude that such and such conclusions are applicable to entire Telangana, Telugu speaking people and even whole India.

2. Conversion to Islam – here also, the paper-readers do not the significance of caste and class as per the provisions of the constitution. Any person converting Islam, becomes a Muslim and he is strictly or supposed to follow the basic tenets of Islam without fail. However, what happens when a Hindu converts into Islam, what happens to his caste, they do not know.

3. Madigas becoming Mohammedans and becoming pir – One paper-reader claimed that the SC converting to Islam is elevated and even becomes Imam and Pir and they are respected.  When asked, in which denomination, the converted SC would get and the Jamat would issue a certificate, he could not answer.

4. I note that most of the papers on “kullayappa, kullayaswamy, topiwala sahib, turuka devadu, pir-sawmi ”etc., rely upon the local narratives and of course the book of Afsar Mohammed[12]. However, had the paper-readers read his book carefully, they would not have come to such conclusions.

5. First of all, historians cannot use the term “dalit,” like journalists or populist writers or politicians who talk on stages. I pointed out / have been pointing out for many years, as the National Commission for SC and ST long back issued instructions. Recently, the Communist government of Kerala also issued such instructions. Yet, the paper-readers use such expressions without understanding the Presidential Order, 1950 and many Supreme and High Court judgments.

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

17-03-2020

[1] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully.

[2] : Tradition says that the velamas were in race of Khastriya, who ruled over the country to the north of Narmada river. As they vanquished by a mightier people Raja Pratapa Rudra of Kakatiya dynasty attracted by their physique and commanding features welcomed them to his Kingdom and conferred on them the command of 77 forts in his kingdom. They gradually became agriculturists and traders. In Telangana their main occupation is agriculture. Many of them held lands and worked as tenants. A few of the velamas were rich landlords and village officers.

[3] The social conditions of Jagirdari village are revealed round the Gadee in 19th, and first half of the 20th century. Gadee is the residue place of Dora, in which he lives with his family members, Adabapa and Dasis (slave girls) and their children and a large number of vetti workers and bhagelas This place is the centre of political, social and economical activities. What decision was taken in Gadee is implemented in Jagir village. These Gadees persisted in 19th century and first half of the 20th century.

[4] This system prevails in Telangana during 19 th century and first half of the 20th century. By the 18th century in deccan, political stabilisation was established by Asafjahs. They initiated various tenures to bring the land under cultivation. “Like most of the Deccan states, in Telangana too “bara balutadars” played an important role in colonising the region and setting up villages and developing agriculture”

[5] The deshmukhs in the process of becoming landlords with their own patta lands practically usurped the authority of the state and kept the whole countryside in their possession to establish their Rajyam. They established their authority over government property. They established their supremacy over wastelands, government lands, trees, tanks, steams in the village. They imposed restriction on peasants and shepherds grazing their cattle and on labourers collecting firewood from such common resource lands.

[6] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[7] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[8] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[9] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[10] Komatis are an integral part of the peasant society. This is the name for Telugu traders, shopkeepers and money lenders mostly found in Telangana. They played crucial role in agricultural finance and benefitted immensely. It is considered to be a wealthy and prosperous caste. They were mainly found in their traditional occupation i.e. trade, commerce and money lending. Very few of them worked as cultivators and agricultural labourers.

[11] During late nineteenth century the deshmukhs in the process of becoming land lords usurped the authority of the state and kept the whole country side in their possession and established Dorala rajyam. In Nalgonda District the most notorious, dora families were Rapaka, Janna Reddy, Nukala, Rama Sahayam, Pingali and Lingala. The number of families increased in last quarter of nineteenth century through the matrimonial relations established with the doras and following the doras practices. New Doras converted these services castes as “Vetti workers”. Untouchables and low caste peoples were converted as “bhagela”s. As the landlords owned large land fields due to reforms of Salarjung and they were forced to cultivate commercial crops like castor and groundnut by the British. These circumstances forced the landlords to introduce vetti and bhagela system.

[12] Afsar Mohammed, The Festival of Pirs – popular Islam and Shared Devotion in South India, Oxford University Press, USA, 2016.

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana – Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14th and 15th 2020 [1]

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana –  Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14^th and 15^th 2020 [1]

From Chennai to Kajipet: On March 14^th, I had to leave Chennai for Kakatiya University to attend the National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana –  Historical Perspective to be held on March 14^th and 15^th 2020 at the Kakatiya University, Warangal, Telangana. However, there were calls from my friends and relatives from Hyderabad and other places informing to avoid going considering the prevailing conditions of Carona virus spread. I contacted Prof K. Vijaya Babu and he informed that there was no problem at KU and Warangal. As I had already booked tickets I decided to proceed. Some of my friends, who supposed to come, backed out on one or the other personal reasons. When I reached Central, I could find that the young persons, evidently working with IT industries, were conscious of and worried about, as they have to contact with foreigners, even in day-to-day dealings and interactions at the place work. In the compartments also, they were seen covering their faces with masks of different colours, varied shapes and various sizes. Of course, I too brought consciously, the regular one. Anyway, my conscious informed me that there was no necessity to get panic.

Kazipet Railway station, KU Guest House: I reached Kajipet in time. Slowly, I came out to get an auto. I reached the Guest House of Kakatiya University by auto, it was about 5 am. None was there. I went inside, switched on lights and fan and sat down. By 5.30, I contacted Prof Vijaya Babu and he informed that one student-volunteer would come to take to a room. After some time, one student came and he took to Room no.10. I started to complete my daily routine. But, I found that there was no heater and it was taken away cutting the wires and water connection tubes. So I informed the student-volunteer that as I have nervous problem and he changed my room to 9. Evidently, he knew that heater was not there etc., but yet, he had chosen it first and then changed. I got ready and came out by 9 am.

Prof K. Vijaya Babu, convenor, 11.00 to 11.07 am: The inaugural function was held at the Senate Hall. They were waiting for the Vice-Chancellor, but, he did not come. So they decided to start the function. The seminar coordinator Prof K. Vijaya Babu explained the theme of the seminar on March 14th at the time of inauguration[1].  During the Qutub Shahi (1518-1687), the Mughal (1687-1724) and the Asaf Jahi (1724-1947) rule several administrative reforms were introduced in Telangana. The Revenue Administration was redesigned and Revenue Farming (Contract) System was introduced by the Qutb Shahi and Asaf Jahi rulers. Their Revenue Reforms resulted in the emergence of dominant Sudhra Communities like Reddies and Velamas[2] as revenue farmers. The dominant landed gentry had established their power centers in the form of ‘Ghadies’ in all the villages throughout Telangana[3]. There was a concentration of revenue, and judicial powers in the hands of these aristocratic families and they established their firm control over the people. The village officials like Patwaries and Patels used to serve the Land Lords in revenue administration, collection of taxes and maintenance of law and order in the villages. The Jagirdars as they were powerful could grab the lands by fraud from the actual cultivators. There was a concentration of land in the hands of certain caste groups like Reddy and Velama communities. These Jagirdars (Doras) also exploited the village people with an evil practice of ‘Vetti’ or forced labour[4]. These ruling families enjoyed the position and privileges as Jagirdars, Deshmukhs[5] and Deshpandias. Traditionally the artisan and service castes were bound to the landlords in terms of certain caste obligations[6]: Carpenters and Blacksmiths (Vadla / Kammari) prepared and repaired agricultural implements, the Shepherds (Gollas) used to supply sheep and goats on the festival and other ceremonial occasions; the Washer men (Chakali) worked as messengers, the Mangalis served as barbers, the Toddy tappers (Goundla) supplied toddy, the Madigas used to provide leather goods. The Malas and Madigas worked as agricultural laborers. The agricultural communities, pastoral, communities, artisans, service castes, dalits, dependent castes a the rural areas, were leading a miserable life, though they were extending their services as per their traditional occupations. These poor people without any landed properties had become either tenants at will or landless labourers. Thus, the agrarian structure of Rural Telangana was marked by extreme inequalities in ownership of land and other means of production. Change taken place[7]: It is observed that in the specific context of Telangana, the evolution of land tenure systems and agrarian relations were shaped by certain historical developments which facilitated the concentration of landed property in the hands of certain castes. Since they owned landed property they could invest their surplus income in developing commercial and industrial establishments and emerged as modern capitalist class. These families have settled in urban areas and also developed modern educational Institutions with the support of the Government to provide advanced technical education to their children. After accumulating a lot of wealth as capitalists, they entered into democratic politics and became political leaders and have been enjoying the higher positions and privileges at the state and central level. The Weaker Sections and Dalits have also joined these modern educational institutions with the support of social welfare schemes introduced by the government. These modern educated youth entered into government services as subordinate staff. Some of them emerged as intellectuals and trying to bring social change in our society during the last several decades in independent India. Fairs and Festivals[8]:  In Telangana, one can clearly witness the composite, pluralistic and inclusive culture and traditions. Be it Bathukamma, Sankranthi, Moharram, or Christmas, the region is known for secular traditions. Bathukamma is a colourful and vibrant floral festival of Telangana, celebrated by women, with flowers. The festival is the pride of Telangana’s cultural identity. Vijayadashami, also known as Dussehra. The festival symbolizes the victory of good over evil, is celebrated with traditional fervour, devotion across Telangana. Mother goddess worship is very popular in all the villages of Telangana. Bonalu is a Hindu Festival where Goddess Mahakali is worshipped. It is celebrated in Telangana state, especially in the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad. The Tribal people in Adilabad district celebrate Nagobha festival. Sammakka Saralamma Jatara is a world-renowned tribal festival celebrated at Medaram in Mulugu district. In Warangal Inavole, Kommala, Komaravelli Jataras are popular folk fairs. Seminar sub-themes[9]: The seminar brings to light the locally dominant castes and the kind of dominance they exercised over the Socio-Economic life of the people. The Rural society and Caste System in Telangana have to be analyzed from Political, Economic, Social and Cultural Perspectives. The Sub –Themes are : 1. The Geo- Historical aspects of Telangana. 2. Social Structure and Economic Conditions. nomadic groups, who were involved in the production process in 5. Dependent Castes and Folk Arts. 6. Tribes and their Culture. 7. Conditions of Weaker Sections, Dalits and Women. 8. Artisans and Handicrafts. 9. Fairs and Festivals. 10. Heritage Sites- Tourism Potential.   © K. V. Ramakrishna Rao 17-03-2020

[1] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully.

[2] : Tradition says that the velamas were in race of Khastriya, who ruled over the country to the north of Narmada river. As they vanquished by a mightier people Raja Pratapa Rudra of Kakatiya dynasty attracted by their physique and commanding features welcomed them to his Kingdom and conferred on them the command of 77 forts in his kingdom. They gradually became agriculturists and traders. In Telangana their main occupation is agriculture. Many of them held lands and worked as tenants. A few of the velamas were rich landlords and village officers.

[3] The social conditions of Jagirdari village are revealed round the Gadee in 19th, and first half of the 20th century. Gadee is the residue place of Dora, in which he lives with his family members, Adabapa and Dasis (slave girls) and their children and a large number of vetti workers and bhagelas This place is the centre of political, social and economical activities. What decision was taken in Gadee is implemented in Jagir village. These Gadees persisted in 19th century and first half of the 20th century.

[4] This system prevails in Telangana during 19 th century and first half of the 20th century. By the 18th century in deccan, political stabilisation was established by Asafjahs. They initiated various tenures to bring the land under cultivation. “Like most of the Deccan states, in Telangana too “bara balutadars” played an important role in colonising the region and setting up villages and developing agriculture”

[5] The deshmukhs in the process of becoming landlords with their own patta lands practically usurped the authority of the state and kept the whole country side in their possession to establish their Rajyam. They established their authority over government property. They established their supremacy over wastelands, government lands, trees, tanks, steams in the village. They imposed restriction on peasants and shepherds grazing their cattle and on labourers collecting firewood from such common resource lands.

[6] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[7] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[8] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[9] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[10] Komatis are an integral part of the peasant society. This is the name for Telugu traders, shopkeepers and money lenders mostly found in Telangana. They played crucial role in agricultural finance and benefitted immensely. It is considered to be a wealthy and prosperous caste. They were mainly found in their traditional occupation i.e. trade, commerce and money lending. Very few of them worked as cultivators and agricultural labourers.

[11] During late nineteenth century the deshmukhs in the process of becoming land lords usurped the authority of the state and kept the whole country side in their possession and established Dorala rajyam. In Nalgonda District the most notorious, dora families were Rapaka, Janna Reddy, Nukala, Rama Sahayam, Pingali and Lingala. The number of families increased in last quarter of nineteenth century through the matrimonial relations established with the doras and following the doras practices. New Doras converted these services castes as “Vetti workers”. Untouchables and low caste peoples were converted as “bhagela”s. As the landlords owned large land fields due to reforms of Salarjung and they were forced to cultivate commercial crops like castor and groundnut by the British. These circumstances forced the landlords to introduce vetti and bhagela system.