The proceedings of the National seminar Buddhism and Sectarian Religious faith in India or Buddha and Anti-caste Bhakti Saints held at Acharya Nagarjuna University on March 1st and 2nd 2023 (4)

The proceedings of the National seminar Buddhism and Sectarian Religious faith in India or Buddha and Anti-caste Bhakti Saints held at Acharya Nagarjuna University on March 1^st and 2^nd 2023 (4)

Caste system in Burma / Myanmar: The Burmese authorities presently recognise no fewer than 135 separate ethnic groups out of 55 million population, living within the union. Of these, the Bamar are easily the largest. Myanmar’s first national census in over 30 years. The other six main ethnic groups are –

1. the Shan, 2. Kachin, 3. Kayin,

4. Rakhine, 5. Chin and 6. Mon,

each of which has its own state. These seven main ethnic groups together constitute about 92 per cent, with the remaining 8 per cent divided between a fascinating patchwork of minority tribes. Jane Fergusson discussed the issue as follows[1]: The system of caste, or a hierarchical social system based on occupation, prestige, and ideas about pollution, had been considered a master trope in the framing of the imperial census[2] (Kumar 2006:387), and one which colonial officers had grown accustomed to in British India. Census officials even noted that caste could be tested by ‘actual existing facts and beliefs to a far greater extent than is possible with respect to race’ (Webb[3] 1912:250). However, the categories of caste simply did not gain traction for census officials working in Burma; thus they struggled to find another way to approach human differences and quantify race in Burma. The nine ‘race’ categories used by the British census-takers were:

1. Burmese; 2. Other indigenous race; 3. Chinese;

4. Indians born in Burma; 5. Indians born outside Burma; 6. Indo-Burman race;

7. Europeans and allied races; 8. Anglo-Indians; 9. Other race.

According to C.C. Lowis[4] (1902), the Burman is ‘so absolutely enamoured of freedom that he cannot abide the bonds that caste demands’ (Lowis 1902:107). Without the category of caste, and where religion ‘indicates but little’, colonial surveyors concluded that language would therefore be the most ‘obvious and surest criterion of difference’ (Lowis 1902:112): If the speech of a particular community cannot be assigned to a particular group, that community is, ipso facto, isolated, whatever similarity its customs, dress and physical traits may have with the customs, dress and physical traits of any other community, neighbouring or otherwise.

Caste thennic groups, ethnicity, denomination, sect and such other classification based on race, racism and racialism, religion, theology, philosophy etc., exist in Thailand……..

Sectarian, sectarianism, sectarian faith etc: The words and sect, expressions sectarian, sectarianism, sectarian faith etc., have not been positive, but negative and bad in connotation in the western or western religious context. Throughout American history, “sectarian” has been used to exclude and to ostracize. It is a term that is used to disparage and marginalize particular groups of Americans and particular kinds of thinking. That “sectarian” is hardly a flattering term is evident from even a cursory look at any standard dictionary. Among its more common synonyms are “bigoted,” “narrow-minded,” “heretical,” “parochial,” and “dogmatic.” Christians have used the word to describe Pharisees, atheists, and other Christians; Unitarians to put down Presbyterians and Roman Catholics; political liberals and conservatives to insult each other[5]. Richard A. Baer, Jr explains that[6], “The reason is really quite simple. Even though the term “sect” can have the relatively neutral meaning of “a group of persons having the same principles, beliefs, or opinions or can be employed technically in a non-pejorative sense by sociologists of religion, the ordinary usage of “sectarian” is derogatory. Indeed, “sectarian” more often than not is what we might call “caste language.” It is a term that has been used throughout much of American history to keep religious and social “untouchables” in their proper place. Just as ruling elites have used racial and sexual epithets to put down blacks and women, so they have used “sectarian” to exclude and marginalize those individuals and groups whose religious or philosophical beliefs or social practices did not correspond to their own vision of what was appropriate in the cultural marketplace”.

The theme of the seminar changed from “Buddhism and Sectarian Religious faith in India,” to   “Buddha and Anti-caste Bhakti Saints”: Though, the topic was “Buddhism and Sectarian Religious faith in India,” (as appeared in the brochure first) most of the paper presenters were trying to interpret the present ideology on the medieval period and even the prehistoric and protohistoric past. It also appears that the theme was changed to “Buddha and Anti-caste Bhakti Saints” suddenly, as noted later on the banner, “Abstract,” scribbling pad etc. Actually, I prepared my paper only based on the such theme and sent my full paper on 31-01-2023 itself. The theme, “Buddhism and Sectarian Religious faith in India,” has been entirely different from that of,   “Buddha and Anti-caste Bhakti Saints.” It is a fact that during the transitional period 7th century to the medieval period till the advent of the Mohammedans and the European colonial forces, all the sectarian faiths had to suffer by them. The ruling and dominant faiths Janism and Buddhism had to suffer from their attacks, in spite of their oversea and inland business and commercial authority. When religious dominance and excesses started, these two could not match up with them (Islam and Christianity). Moreover, the interaction among the believers of Andhra, Karnataka and Tamilagam showed the intra and inter-faith and religious debates, polemics and wrangles, leading to physical sometimes. Obviously, the organizers must have realized from my paper and changed the theme. Therefore, it is evident that they changed the theme itself, perhaps, without informing.

Under the Ambedkarite Constitution, Caste should continue or not: Eleanor Zelliot (1992), Uma Chakravarthi (1996), Gail Omvedt (2003) and others cleverly avoided the continuance of caste in spite of opposing caste, supporting reservation, though opposing positive discrimination, exclusion etc., Thus, the ideological egalitarianism, theoretical Utopianism and sermonized equality always try to and evade the legal, constitutional and judicial position and condition of the prevalent issues. The restricted reservation for SCs has been continuing. The reservation after conversion for the neo-Buddhists, and Sikhs continues, as they are “Hindus” only as per Article 25 of the Constitution. Thus, the Christians and much later the Muslims too started demanding the amendment of the Constitution Order, 1950 to accommodate the converted Christians and Muslims also. Though, these ideologists claim that “The Ambedkar Constitution,” they want to amend it, without realizing the judicial implications.

What is required by the believers in a “Secular state or country”?: Dialogue is required for understanding other and the point of view of others, whether, in a family, society or anywhere, where human interaction takes place. Thus, it is imperative and implied that such a process is possible with all family and societal members. Discussion, debate and deliberation always involve mutual, reciprocated and two-way flow of thought, thought processes and conclusion. Monologue is considered as a speech presented by a single dramatist character, theoretical expert or ideologized professional most often to express their thoughts aloud, though sometimes also to directly address another character or the audience. In theatre, a monologue may be enjoyed when delivered by favourite character or person, as none is going to ask him.   Monologues are common across the range of dramatic media (plays, films, etc.), as well as in non-dramatic media such as poetry, literary narratives, political discourses and other verbose. Monologues share much in common with several other literary devices including soliloquies, apostrophes, and asides. There are, however, distinctions between each of these devices, audience and ideologists. Many times such monologues, particularly thrusted, imposed and forced to listen lead to autocratic, dominating and dictatorial. Free speech is talked about and sermonized blaming others as despotic, tyrannical, repressive, oppressive and so on, but, how such whistle-blowers indulge.

In dialogue, the engaged parties should listen to and understand the other party / parties also: There is a maxim Audi Alteram Partem and it is not known whether monologuers could understand and realize it. It means hear the other side; hear both sides, in other words the authority hearing the matter must be afforded hearing to the party who is likely to be affected by its decision. In judicial, quasi-judicial or any sensible legal process, it is expected. Therefore, those who talk about thesis, anti-thesis and synthesis should not avoid or be afraid of Audi Alteram Partem. Here, most of the speakers have predetermined mind-set and they spoke even any prepared paper about certain premises and conditions only in their perspective, that too blaming Brahmin, Brahman, Brahminism, Brahminical system, and even Brahminical virus and so on. Inside, “Acharya Nagarjuna University,” though such seminar was taking place under the auspices of “The Mahayana Buddhist Study Centre,” the sectarian bias had been explicit and aggressive and combating.

Justice, natural justice, social justice, equity, equality etc: Though, often Justice, natural justice, social justice, equity, equality etc, are talked about, they are not obviously discussed judicially. There are mainly two Principles of Natural Justice. These two Principles are:

• ‘Nemo judex in causa sua’. No one should be made a judge in his own cause, and the rule against bias.
• ‘Audi alteram partem’ means to hear the other party, or no one should be condemned unheard.

The historians, archaeologists, anthropologists, archaeo-anthropologists, Anthropo-archaeologists, sociologists, psychologists and related experts do not deal with these important conditions to pass any remarks or come to conclusions. Going to extremes, violating the norms that are framed the ideologists by themselves, and jumping to conclusions with biased views have been the hall-mark of many such studies.

How the audience was responding to the Buddhist prayer……..

How the audience was responding to the Buddhist prayer…………………..

How I struggled to reach and left Vijayawada Railway Station: How I reached Vijayawada Railway station was explained above on Fenbruary 28^th midnight and March 1^st early morning. On 2^nd March also, I had a different experience to reach the Vijayawada station. The seminar paper presentation was going on, as I had to catch the train, I came out of the hall searching for the driver. He was there, and we had lunch quickly and about to leave, but, I was informed that some other driver and vehicle would come. So I was waiting…….and the time was 2.00 pm. I asked the convener many times and I was informed “the vehicle would come.”  It was 2.30 PM and then, realizing the situation, I was taken by a car. Of course, the driver and car were there only[7]. Anyway, the driver could drop me at the end of the platform, so that I could walk to the platform[8]. Slowly, I started walking with the bag to the Platform No.10 where, the JanSatabdi was to come. When I reached PF.No.10, the passenger started running back, shouting at me, that it was here at PF.No.8. Some stranger helped me taking my bag and I started walking slowly. It took me perhaps 10 to 15 minutes and the train was about to start. I was waving my hand towards the train, as if I was doing it for a bus to stop. But, the driver was looking at me and showed his finger “1,” obviously, he might wait for one minute. Meanwhile that stranger handed over my bag to another stranger and went away. When I came near to the train, he (the second stranger) suggested me to gt into the first carriage and pushed my luggage inside. The moment I entered the train and started requesting to the TTR, one youth asked me to sit in one seat, as he was not travelling and got down……….The train started…..So finally, I settled down there in the same compartment, instead of my regular / confirmed seat away from the first compartment[9]. At last I could reach Chennai with 20 minutes delay. My regular Auto driver came and I could reach home by 11.40 PM.

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

05-03-2023

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[1] Ferguson, Jane M. “Who’s Counting?: Ethnicity, Belonging, and the National Census in Burma/Myanmar.” Bijdragen tot de taal-, land-en volkenkunde/Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 171.1 (2015): 1-28.

[2] Kumar, M. Satish (2006). ‘The census and women’s work in Rangoon, 1872–1931’, Journal of Historical Geography 32:377–97.

[3] Webb, C. Morgan (1912). Census of India, 1911. Vol. ix, Burma Part i. Report. Rangoon: Office of Superintendent, Government Printing and Stationery.

[4] Lowis, C.C. (1902). Census of India, 1901. Volume xii, Burma. Part i. Report. Rangoon: Office of Superintendent, Government Printing and Stationery

[5] Richard A. Baer, Jr. The Supreme Court’s Discriminatory Use of the Term “Sectarian”, Originally published in The Journal of Law & Politics, Vol. VI, No. 3, Spring 1990.

[6] https://blogs.cornell.edu/envirobaer/publications/the-supreme-courts-discriminatory-use-of-the-term-sectarian/

[7]  In other words, instead of keeping me waiting there for nearly one-and-half hours, I could have been sent earlier with the same driver and car. Why I was kept delayed was known to God only.

[8]  Actually, the driver helped me in reaching the station in time and also dropping at the right place. Of course, when we reached the Guest House to take the luggage, the other person / Assistant Professor was making unwanted comments that I would miss the train and so on. Though, he had also to come with me, he was delaying, so the driver took the decision to proceed, as the time was already 2.30 PM. Why the learned Asst.Prof was delaying was also known only to God.

[9] I can write a story about this, as how many strangers helped me to get into a train, sit comfortably in a seat and reach my home at one side, whereas, at the other side – all learned professors etc., but made me tensed fully knowing my health problems. Of course, I informed my travel plan, my health problem etc through e-mails and letter also (with many phone calls in between).

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana – Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14th and 15th 2020 [3]

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana –  Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14^th and 15^th 2020 [3]

The Telangana historiography: The Telangana history writers and historiographers have been trying to bring everything within the Telangana geography, history and thus, more generalization, biased interpretation and forced conclusions are thrusted on the readers. They even try to ignore the Andhra history, archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics etc., as if they are alien to them. With a single, few and stray cases, they try to generalize and declare that their finding would be applicable to the whole of Telangana. Nowadays, some sort of statistical data are used showing tables and charts. The researchers are interviewing or getting data with 10 to 100 persons, sites, villages etc., and use to form such tables and charts. With that and their prepared questionnaire, they try to interpret to come to their already decided conclusion. Thus, in such predetermined processes, they ignore the data, information and facts that are not useful for or against their conclusion. They even do not make any whisper in their papers, dissertations or books. The statistical data study in history cannot be accepted, as the data differ and all cannot be equated to form any theory to come to a conclusion.

The names of vocation, job and duties of the Mughal and Colonial periods have been made as castes: The names of vocation, job and duties of the Mughal and Colonial periods have been made as castes. Thus, names of such jobs, occupations, or works are treated as specific castes. Thus, patel, patwari, Talati, Talaiyari, Kotwal, Patnaik, Karnam, Adhikari, Maniyakarar, Shanbog, Kulkharni (official), Tashildar, Zakirdar, Gomastha (bailiff), bania (evaluator, retailer), diwani (supervisor), peyada (guard), sowcar, shroff, saraf (money lenders), Patwardhan, Deshmukh, Gurjar, Pande etc. As could be noted, the jobs wre not permanent and any other person could get such job, if he had capabilities or the ruler changed. Within 100-300 years, these groups were changed with their jobs and duties. Similarly, there were many workers – Sootar / sutar (carpenter), lohar (smith), chambar (shoe/harness-maker), koombhar (potter), nhawee / Navi / navidhan (barber), pureel (washerman), bhar (servant), bheel (watchman), koli/kolee (water-career), mang (rope-maker/servant), muhar / Ramoshi (servant), Mohammedan (butcher) etc., but, they were also changing with times and places. These are given only for illustrative purposes. Ironically, the Telangana researchers are not going deep into the Mughal and colonial documents, but, relying upon the books written recently. As the authors had a particular focus or the result, they wanted to arrive at, evidently, they have not been balanced enough to tell the facts of both sides.

Who were “Patels” in Telangana village?: Telangana researchers interpret that generally in every village patel and patwari, deshmukh occupied the next place of Doras. They argue that these posts were allotted to upper castes, as if , it were a rule, but, it was not so. The patel could belong to any caste but the patwari was invariably a Neogi Brahmin, thus, argues one researcher. Now the patwaris, Police patels were actually in charge of law and order in the village. Nizam wanted to develop this region and appointed contractors or officials like Ijaradars, banjaradars, patels and patwaris. The tax payer was called rayat, malguzar, etc. Many times, these were conferred to certain persons as title also.

Who were “Patwaris” in Telangana village?: Patwari occupied the next place of Dora. the patwari was invariably a Neogi Brahmin. They lived in comfortable bungalows in the style of the landlords served by “Jeethagallu” and “Vettollu”. These people were mischievous and dishonest. “It was generally feared that enmity with a patwari led only to the grave[1]. Now the patwaris, Police patels were actually in charge of law and order in the village. The patwari used to send “Rojnamchas” (daily activities in the village) to government officials, the dora used to take interest in them[2].In every village patwari belongs to Brahmin caste. (Neogi Brahmin). He looks after revenue records of the village. He also live like dora in a banglow and served by Jeethagallu (servants) and vettollu (Vetti labourers).

Patwari, Talati, Talaiyari etc: The Patwar system was first introduced in the Indian subcontinent, during the rule of Sher Shah Suri, and was further enhanced by Akbar. The British colonial era made minor amendments but maintained the system. Also known as Talati and his duties of a include maintaining crop and land records (record of rights) of the village, collection of tax revenue, collection of irrigation dues. The post of the Talati replaced that of the Kulkarni which no longer exists in Gujarat and Maharashtra. The duties of a talati are performed in other states of India under a different title, for example, the talati is called a Patwari in Telangana “thalaiyari” in Tamizhagam[3].

Mudhali, Mudaliar etc: Mudali is the first person of the village or headman. Mudai + ar, yar with reverence, becomes, Mudaliar / Mudaliyar. Mudaliar (alternatively spelled: Muthaliar, Muthaliyar, Mudali, Muthali or Moodley) is a title used by people belonging to various Tamil castes.Castes using the title speak Tamil as their native language. The title was mostly used among Tamils from Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka, and was given to a high-ranking military officer. The title was primarily used by the communities like the Agamudayars, Karaiyars, Sengunthars and Vellalars. Other communities adopted it as means to present themselves as superior to the social status which they actually held. Now, Mudaliars have been dominant groups in Tamilnadu controlling political power and system.

Komati, Gomathi, Chetti, etc: The word is derived differently, because of the misunderstanding and pronunciation of the letter “ko” with “mati.” Definitely, the wealth was equated with cows = ga, go, gau, in the ancient period. Komathi, Kopathi[4] have been common names of the Vaishya names. The Komati is a trading community found primarily in southern and central India, that is currently organised as a caste. The members of the Komati caste are commonly engaged in banking, money lending and other business pursuits. The community consists of many sects who are followers of Hinduism, namely the Gaura or Gavara, the Beeri, the Thrivarnika and the Kalinga, along with the minuscule Jaina Komatis who are followers of Jainism. There is epigraphic evidence that the term Komati was in use by the 11th century CE. The Komati merchants were associated with the town of Penugonda in the West Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh. Inscriptions from the Godavari, Krishna and Guntur districts from 11th century refer to the merchants referred to as the “Lords of Penugonda”. The wealthier sections of the Komatis were addressed as Setti, Chetti or Chettiyar, all derived from the Sanskrit term Sreshthi. Their trade associations bore the name nagaram. They also participated in long-distance trade networks called pekkandru (literally “the many”). During the times of the Vijayanagara Empire, they physically relocated themselves for commercial efficiency in various parts of South India.

Kotwal, Kotval, Citwal, Kothaval etc: Kotwals also spelt as Cotwal, was a title used in medieval India for the leader of a Kot or fort. Kotwals often controlled the fort of a major town or an area of smaller towns on behalf of another ruler. It was similar in function to a British India Zaildar From Mughal times the title was given to the local ruler of a large town and the surrounding area. However, the title is also used for leaders in small villages as well. Kotwal has also been translated as Chief police officer. Major area of Chennai town was known as “Kothaval chavadi,” now disappeared [vegetable, fruits, flower markets shifted to Koyambedu market complex].

Bhudhan movement, what happened?: The Bhoodan Movement attempted to persuade wealthy landowners to voluntarily give a percentage of their land to landless people[5]. Philosophically, Bhave was influenced by Mahatma Gandhi’s Sarvodaya movement. Landless labourers were given small plots on which they were welcome to settle and grow their crops. Bhoodan Acts were passed that stated that the beneficiary had no right to sell the land or use it for non-agricultural purposes or for forestry. For example, Section 25 of the Maharashtra State Bhoodan Act states that the beneficiary (who must be landless) should only use the land for subsistence cultivation. If the “owner” failed to cultivate the land for over a year or tried to use it for non-agriculture activities, the government would have the right to confiscate it. Bhave wanted peasants to give up using bullocks, tractors or other machines for agricultural purposes. This was called rishi-kheti. He also wanted the people to give up using money in the form of kanchan-dan. He was followed by crowds nearly everywhere he went. The movement had the support of Congress. JP Narayan withdrew from active politics to join the Bhoodan movement in 1953. The Nizam of Hyderabad, HEH Mir Osman Ali Khan donated 14,000 acres of his personal land to the Bhoodan Movement

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

17-03-2020

[1] Reddy P.N. Telugu samethalu janajeevanam, Thirupathi Srinivas. Murali Publication, 1983.

[2] Dasharathi Rangacharya 1987. Chillardevullu, Hyderabad Vishalandra 45

[3] Inscriptions give different meaning – Talaiyāri.—(SII 1), Tamil; same as Kannaḍa Talāri; a watchman. See Talavara. Note: talaiyāri is defined in the “Indian epigraphical glossary” as it can be found on ancient inscriptions commonly written in Sanskrit, Prakrit or Dravidian languages.

[4] Gopathi Narayana Chetti Street from Panagal Park to Anna flyover in Chennai has been prominent road in Thyagaraya Chetti Nagar.

[5] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhoodan_movement

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana – Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14th and 15th 2020 [1]

The National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana –  Historical Perspective – held at the Kakatiya University on March 14^th and 15^th 2020 [1]

From Chennai to Kajipet: On March 14^th, I had to leave Chennai for Kakatiya University to attend the National Seminar on Rural Society, Culture and Economy in Telangana –  Historical Perspective to be held on March 14^th and 15^th 2020 at the Kakatiya University, Warangal, Telangana. However, there were calls from my friends and relatives from Hyderabad and other places informing to avoid going considering the prevailing conditions of Carona virus spread. I contacted Prof K. Vijaya Babu and he informed that there was no problem at KU and Warangal. As I had already booked tickets I decided to proceed. Some of my friends, who supposed to come, backed out on one or the other personal reasons. When I reached Central, I could find that the young persons, evidently working with IT industries, were conscious of and worried about, as they have to contact with foreigners, even in day-to-day dealings and interactions at the place work. In the compartments also, they were seen covering their faces with masks of different colours, varied shapes and various sizes. Of course, I too brought consciously, the regular one. Anyway, my conscious informed me that there was no necessity to get panic.

Kazipet Railway station, KU Guest House: I reached Kajipet in time. Slowly, I came out to get an auto. I reached the Guest House of Kakatiya University by auto, it was about 5 am. None was there. I went inside, switched on lights and fan and sat down. By 5.30, I contacted Prof Vijaya Babu and he informed that one student-volunteer would come to take to a room. After some time, one student came and he took to Room no.10. I started to complete my daily routine. But, I found that there was no heater and it was taken away cutting the wires and water connection tubes. So I informed the student-volunteer that as I have nervous problem and he changed my room to 9. Evidently, he knew that heater was not there etc., but yet, he had chosen it first and then changed. I got ready and came out by 9 am.

Prof K. Vijaya Babu, convenor, 11.00 to 11.07 am: The inaugural function was held at the Senate Hall. They were waiting for the Vice-Chancellor, but, he did not come. So they decided to start the function. The seminar coordinator Prof K. Vijaya Babu explained the theme of the seminar on March 14th at the time of inauguration[1].  During the Qutub Shahi (1518-1687), the Mughal (1687-1724) and the Asaf Jahi (1724-1947) rule several administrative reforms were introduced in Telangana. The Revenue Administration was redesigned and Revenue Farming (Contract) System was introduced by the Qutb Shahi and Asaf Jahi rulers. Their Revenue Reforms resulted in the emergence of dominant Sudhra Communities like Reddies and Velamas[2] as revenue farmers. The dominant landed gentry had established their power centers in the form of ‘Ghadies’ in all the villages throughout Telangana[3]. There was a concentration of revenue, and judicial powers in the hands of these aristocratic families and they established their firm control over the people. The village officials like Patwaries and Patels used to serve the Land Lords in revenue administration, collection of taxes and maintenance of law and order in the villages. The Jagirdars as they were powerful could grab the lands by fraud from the actual cultivators. There was a concentration of land in the hands of certain caste groups like Reddy and Velama communities. These Jagirdars (Doras) also exploited the village people with an evil practice of ‘Vetti’ or forced labour[4]. These ruling families enjoyed the position and privileges as Jagirdars, Deshmukhs[5] and Deshpandias. Traditionally the artisan and service castes were bound to the landlords in terms of certain caste obligations[6]: Carpenters and Blacksmiths (Vadla / Kammari) prepared and repaired agricultural implements, the Shepherds (Gollas) used to supply sheep and goats on the festival and other ceremonial occasions; the Washer men (Chakali) worked as messengers, the Mangalis served as barbers, the Toddy tappers (Goundla) supplied toddy, the Madigas used to provide leather goods. The Malas and Madigas worked as agricultural laborers. The agricultural communities, pastoral, communities, artisans, service castes, dalits, dependent castes a the rural areas, were leading a miserable life, though they were extending their services as per their traditional occupations. These poor people without any landed properties had become either tenants at will or landless labourers. Thus, the agrarian structure of Rural Telangana was marked by extreme inequalities in ownership of land and other means of production. Change taken place[7]: It is observed that in the specific context of Telangana, the evolution of land tenure systems and agrarian relations were shaped by certain historical developments which facilitated the concentration of landed property in the hands of certain castes. Since they owned landed property they could invest their surplus income in developing commercial and industrial establishments and emerged as modern capitalist class. These families have settled in urban areas and also developed modern educational Institutions with the support of the Government to provide advanced technical education to their children. After accumulating a lot of wealth as capitalists, they entered into democratic politics and became political leaders and have been enjoying the higher positions and privileges at the state and central level. The Weaker Sections and Dalits have also joined these modern educational institutions with the support of social welfare schemes introduced by the government. These modern educated youth entered into government services as subordinate staff. Some of them emerged as intellectuals and trying to bring social change in our society during the last several decades in independent India. Fairs and Festivals[8]:  In Telangana, one can clearly witness the composite, pluralistic and inclusive culture and traditions. Be it Bathukamma, Sankranthi, Moharram, or Christmas, the region is known for secular traditions. Bathukamma is a colourful and vibrant floral festival of Telangana, celebrated by women, with flowers. The festival is the pride of Telangana’s cultural identity. Vijayadashami, also known as Dussehra. The festival symbolizes the victory of good over evil, is celebrated with traditional fervour, devotion across Telangana. Mother goddess worship is very popular in all the villages of Telangana. Bonalu is a Hindu Festival where Goddess Mahakali is worshipped. It is celebrated in Telangana state, especially in the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad. The Tribal people in Adilabad district celebrate Nagobha festival. Sammakka Saralamma Jatara is a world-renowned tribal festival celebrated at Medaram in Mulugu district. In Warangal Inavole, Kommala, Komaravelli Jataras are popular folk fairs. Seminar sub-themes[9]: The seminar brings to light the locally dominant castes and the kind of dominance they exercised over the Socio-Economic life of the people. The Rural society and Caste System in Telangana have to be analyzed from Political, Economic, Social and Cultural Perspectives. The Sub –Themes are : 1. The Geo- Historical aspects of Telangana. 2. Social Structure and Economic Conditions. nomadic groups, who were involved in the production process in 5. Dependent Castes and Folk Arts. 6. Tribes and their Culture. 7. Conditions of Weaker Sections, Dalits and Women. 8. Artisans and Handicrafts. 9. Fairs and Festivals. 10. Heritage Sites- Tourism Potential.   © K. V. Ramakrishna Rao 17-03-2020

[1] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully.

[2] : Tradition says that the velamas were in race of Khastriya, who ruled over the country to the north of Narmada river. As they vanquished by a mightier people Raja Pratapa Rudra of Kakatiya dynasty attracted by their physique and commanding features welcomed them to his Kingdom and conferred on them the command of 77 forts in his kingdom. They gradually became agriculturists and traders. In Telangana their main occupation is agriculture. Many of them held lands and worked as tenants. A few of the velamas were rich landlords and village officers.

[3] The social conditions of Jagirdari village are revealed round the Gadee in 19th, and first half of the 20th century. Gadee is the residue place of Dora, in which he lives with his family members, Adabapa and Dasis (slave girls) and their children and a large number of vetti workers and bhagelas This place is the centre of political, social and economical activities. What decision was taken in Gadee is implemented in Jagir village. These Gadees persisted in 19th century and first half of the 20th century.

[4] This system prevails in Telangana during 19 th century and first half of the 20th century. By the 18th century in deccan, political stabilisation was established by Asafjahs. They initiated various tenures to bring the land under cultivation. “Like most of the Deccan states, in Telangana too “bara balutadars” played an important role in colonising the region and setting up villages and developing agriculture”

[5] The deshmukhs in the process of becoming landlords with their own patta lands practically usurped the authority of the state and kept the whole country side in their possession to establish their Rajyam. They established their authority over government property. They established their supremacy over wastelands, government lands, trees, tanks, steams in the village. They imposed restriction on peasants and shepherds grazing their cattle and on labourers collecting firewood from such common resource lands.

[6] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[7] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[8] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[9] From the brochure sent by the organizers. He read from the brochure, as I could follow him carefully

[10] Komatis are an integral part of the peasant society. This is the name for Telugu traders, shopkeepers and money lenders mostly found in Telangana. They played crucial role in agricultural finance and benefitted immensely. It is considered to be a wealthy and prosperous caste. They were mainly found in their traditional occupation i.e. trade, commerce and money lending. Very few of them worked as cultivators and agricultural labourers.

[11] During late nineteenth century the deshmukhs in the process of becoming land lords usurped the authority of the state and kept the whole country side in their possession and established Dorala rajyam. In Nalgonda District the most notorious, dora families were Rapaka, Janna Reddy, Nukala, Rama Sahayam, Pingali and Lingala. The number of families increased in last quarter of nineteenth century through the matrimonial relations established with the doras and following the doras practices. New Doras converted these services castes as “Vetti workers”. Untouchables and low caste peoples were converted as “bhagela”s. As the landlords owned large land fields due to reforms of Salarjung and they were forced to cultivate commercial crops like castor and groundnut by the British. These circumstances forced the landlords to introduce vetti and bhagela system.

Proceedings of the National seminar “Impact of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Philosophy on Indian Literature” held at the Acharya Nagarjuna University on March 28th and 29th 2018 (3)

Proceedings of the National seminar “Impact of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Philosophy on Indian Literature” held at the Acharya Nagarjuna University on March 28^th and 29^th 2018 (3)

Vijayakumar presenting his paper

Koreswar moderating the session

View of the audience listening to the presentation, session chaired by Koteswar

View of the audience listening to the presentation, session chaired by Koteswar

29-03-2018 – morning – paper reading session: The venue was shifted to LHS auditorium “Venugopal Reddy Auditorium.” The first session was chaired by Koteswara Rao with the following paper presentation:

11.00 am: First paper touched upon the impact of Ambedkar philosophy on the Marathi literature.

Bendalam Krishna Rao, journalist presenting his paper

11.14 am: Krishna Rao pointed out as to how the modern dalit Telugu poets have been inspired and influenced by the Ambedkar philosophy. He stressed under the guise of “dalit literature,” other castes need not be blasphemed or attacked excessively.

Kanchan Jeyaraj presenting paper, working with M-TV

11.28 am: Kanchana Jeyaraj, with M-TV pointed out that the media has been suppressing the facts of attacks on dalits. “Though, many cases were filed, only few punished; the fight was not only between the dalits and BCs, but also with MBCs, and others; Ambedkar accused media as “Congress papers,” as they did not publish what he said, but adding or removing certain words changing the context. Now also, same trend prevails and only M-TV broadcast atrocities committed against dalits.   SC government officials, councillors, and others do not come to media and discuss about the atrocities committed against dalits, as they are controlled by the party-politics. Therefore, SCs should dominate media to create impact on the society.”

Dilip Matangi presentation

11.47 am: Matangi Dilipkumar explained about his magazine, “Bhimbum” and how the advertisements given to it, were stopped. As some body pointed out, he accepted that attacking “Brahmana and Brahmanavada” are different. If SC is raisen up, come up and occupying a big post, he does not want to fight like “street-fighters,” but, chosen to be within their rooms.

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018- Vijayakumar presenting paper

12.34 pm: Vijayakumar, equated “Aryanism” with “Brahmanism” and continued his rhetoric. Only when Ambedkar brought out “Mukhnayak,” the Congress’ “National Herald” changed its attitude.

12.50 pm : Tangirala Soni sang a song.

12.54: Suresh Kumar[1] presented his paper, “Dalit literature: Movement in Andhra Pradesh,” repeating the points already made by other paper presenters. He pointed out as to how Basava, Annamacharya, Vemana, Veerabrahmam and others opposed caste system. He pointed out that non-dalit literature writers also contributed to dali literature.

1.03 pm: Ratna rendered a poem.

29-03-2018 – afternoon- paper reading session: The second session started with the paper presentation of the following:

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018- M. Srinivasa Rao presenting paper

1.10 pm: M. Srinivasa Rao[2] presented his paper, “Annihilation of caste system – Thoughts of Dr B. R. Ambedkar,” wherein, he brought out the points, “Caste dominates all in India…even Christians follow caste system..One poet asked, that they wanted a “OC-Christ”….A caste is a social group having two characteristics  (a) membership is confined to those who are born of members and includes all persons so born and (b) the members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside the group..thus caste system is maintained…it has to be broken following the path pf Ambedkar.”

1.30 pm: Ramesh Babu argued that, “.there is no Indian literature to be called so…Charuvaka started questioning…..so also Buddha thereafter….in modern times, Ambedka questioned….as the culture of Aryans was animistic, that is not relating to India.”

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018-Anathalakshmi presenting paper

1.36 pm: Anathalakshmi[3] presented her paper on “Dr B. R. Ambedkar’s perspective of Indian women,” in which, she argued that “……Ambedkar deems that Buddha treated women with esteem and adoration and never attempted to humiliate them like Manu…on 25-12-1927, he burned a copy of “Manu Smriti”…He attended Women Conference on 18-07-1942……he incorporated provisions for women in the Indian Constitution including Uniform Civil Code under Article 44….Ambedkar brought out Acts for the benefit of women.In fact, Brahmin like Gajendra Gadekar supported Ambedkar, but, Nehru opposed and thus, the Hindu code Bill did not pass…. ”

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018-K. V. Ramakrishna Rao presenting paper

1.50 pm: K. V. Ramakrishna Rao[4] presented his paper, “A comparative study of Socio-religious and Political philosophy of Dr B. R.Ambedkar and Periyar EVR,” contrasting the ideologies and philosophies of both under specific topics and issues – Education and background of the personalities; Marriage – marring a woman who was attending to them; Aryans, Dravidians and Race hypotheses and theories; Depressed Clases and Jews – how compared and treated by Ambedkar and Periyar; Brahmins and Jews – how compared and treated by Ambedkar and Periyar; Ambedkar, Periyar  and Cripps (1940-42); How Gandhi was dealt with by Ambedkar and EVR; The question of Communism – how affected EVR and Ambedkar -Whether the three leaders were exploited by the Marxist ideology?[5]; after independence how they acted and reacted. For Ambedkar the 1940-1956 and EVR 1940-1973 periods were very crucial in assessing them[6]. From 1956 to 1992, the dravidian parties did not care Ambedkar, but, after 06-12-1992, they started exploiting him as a symbol. In fact, initially, Ambedkar’s statues were opposed in Tamilnasdu, as he was not a Tamilian and they were challenged with the Thevar statues. The literature produced by the Dravidian protagonists, Communist comrades and others exploited Ambedkar, but, maintained their ideology[7]. As there was no provision, he could not present PP with scanned documents brought.

29-03-2018 – after lunch- paper reading session: After lunch, the session continued with paper presentation.

2.50 pm: E. Harshavardhanan again continued with paper, repeating the same points yesterday presented.

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018- G. Satyanarayana, psychologist presenting paper

3.05 pm: G. Satyanarayana[8] presented his paper, “Personality of Dr B. R. Ambedkar: Pasychological Analysis” took his personality traits like conscientiousness, extroversion, openness and self-actualization and concluded that no “neuroticism” features are found in such analysis. Being a psychology expert, initially, he was so emotional and controlled himself and then, started his presentation.

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018- Santakumari presenting paper

3.19 pm: Shantakumari presented her paper based on a drama written by Vijaya Bhaskara “Kurchi” (Chair) and compared with reservation made to SCs.

3.31 pm: Amruta Rao presented a paper about the impact of Ambedkar philosophy on Telugu literature. The same points already made were repeated.

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018- Aruna Gogulamanda presentation

3.41 pm:  Aruna Gogulamanda delved upon the Ambedkar philosophy on the dalit literature.

3.55 pm:

4.20 pm: Urmila and Sarita

4.27 pm: Sarita presented a paper comparing untouchability issue as depicted in the story of Munshi Premchand with that of Ambedkar philosophy.

4.30 pm: Nagamani  presented a paper on caste system.

Valedictory function: Valedictory function had been formal and the participants were asked to express their views.  N. Ravikumar pointed out that those who have not read Ambedkar books or understood him presented papers. His BRV has been working for the last three years for the welfare of the Ambedkarites fighting for their rights. The dilution of the SC-At Act by the Supreme Court recently has to be discussed seriously. One should write about their mother, then, only, the Ambedkarite consciousness could be nurtured and developed. The views expressed by the participants:

1. The Ambedkar philosophy should be brought out in the “artform” [street play, burra katha etc] to reach people.
2. Reserved seats for SCs – SCs should be careful to vote, as some SC-leaders become political agents / “yes-servants” thus defeating the very purpose of “reserved constituencies.”
3. BSP party leaders asserted that BSP experiment is enough and no other /new experiment is required.
4. The Communist exploitation of Ambedkar, Ambedkarites and Dalits should be checked and controlled.
5. The Communists do not have the photo of Ambedkar in their party officers, as they cannot place anybody at par with Marx, Lenin, Mao etc., therefore, exploiting Ambedkar and getting funds by them should be stopped.

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

31-03-2018

[1] See Abstarcts, p.17.

[2] See Abstarcts, p.35-36.

[3] See Abstarcts, p.34-35.

[4] See Abstarcts, p.28-29.

[5] K. V. Ramakrishna Rao, The Impact of Communism on the Dravidian Movement 1930-40, proceedings of the South Indian Congress 13^th session held at Government Arts College, Coimbatore, January 9^th to 11^th, 1993, pp.200-205.

Rao, K.V. Ramakrishna. “The Impact of Communism on the Dravidian Movement, 1930-40.” In Ethnic Movement in Transition: Ideology and Culture in a Changing Society, Kanishk Publishers, New Delhi, (1998): 87.

154. V. Ramakrishna Rao, The Impact of Communism on Dravidian Movement 1940-50, a paper presented at the 15^th session of THHC held at Periyar Maniammai University, Vallam, September 19^th-21^st, 2008 and published in the PTNHC, pp.150-154.

[6] K. V. Ramakrishna Rao, The Historic Meeting of Ambedkar, Jinnah and Periyar, Proceedings of 21^st session of South Indian History Congress, Madurai Kamaraj University, Madurai, 2001, , pp.128-136.

[7]  The literature produced by Periyar, Anna, Karunanidi had been divisive and anti-national; M. P. Sivagnanam has been of nationalistic;  B. Ramamurthy nationalistic and communist; DK-radical Dravidian groups Marxist, Maoist and anti-national; Ayothithas Pandithar, Erattaimalai Srinivasan ettc., Buddhist, Ambedkarite and nationalist.

[8] See Abstarcts, p.11-12.

Proceedings of the National seminar “Impact of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Philosophy on Indian Literature” held at the Acharya Nagarjuna University on March 28th and 29th 2018 (2)

Proceedings of the National seminar “Impact of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Philosophy on Indian Literature” held at the Acharya Nagarjuna University on March 28^th and 29^th 2018 (2)

Ambedkar seminar- hall entrance

28-03-2018 – the first day proceedings: Morning, got up by 4.00 am and looking for any delegate who had come for the seminar. I was informed that two more would join me in my room, particularly, one Partha Dey would arrive at any time, but, he did not turn up. Getting ready, I sat in the entrance as usual and then enquired about the members, if any, came for the seminar. I saw one “Sikamani” coming there by 9 am, and I thought, he could be from Tamil Nadu. He went away, responding to second floor. A vehicle came by 10.30 am to take to the venue, where the seminar was held – “Dr H. H. Deighmann[1] & Dr S. John David[2] Auditorium cum Seminar Hall.” Simultaneously, Engineering College students were also conducting their programme.

Seminar board kept at the entrance on LHS

Inviting the delegates – ANU – Ambedkar seminar- hall entrance.board-RHS.

ANU – Ambedkar seminar- hall AMG

ANU – Ambedkar seminar- registration for the delegates

Absract volume and invitation to the Seminar, many VIP-invitees did not turn up

Inauguration of the seminar: After registration, we were sitting the seminar hall, evidently some VIPS to come. By 11.44 am, the inaugural function started. One Katti Padma Rao [hereinafter mentioned as KPR] came and the function started. K. Sanjeeva Rao (also known as Sikamani), C. H. Swarupa Rani and N. Ravikumar were on the dias. University anthem was played and all stood up, but, not Katti Padma Rao. This made me to recall the controversy of “Sankaracharya,” when he did not stand up when “Tamiz-thai-vazthu” [Invocation song of Mother Tamil] was sung in a function at Chennai[3]. Ambedkar photo was garlanded and lamp lit. The “Abstract volume” was released. A book written by KPR was released by Sikamani. A magazine was also released by KPR and copy received by Sikamani.

Garlanding Ambedkar photo- inaugurating the seminar

KPR was sitting during University anthem sung

Swaruprani-inaugural function, explaining the background of the seminar

The purpose and background of the Seminar explained: 11.53 am: Swarupa Rani [Mahayana Buddhist Studies, ANU] explained the background of the seminar, “….as Sikamani, Ravikumar wanted to bring like-minded people together to discuss about the “impact of Amedkar philosophy on Indian literature.” ……Now, “Dalit literature” is produced in Maharastra, Tamilnadu, Kerala and other states and the driving force behind such literature has been Ambedkar……. S, Murali Mohan, Ravikumar sat together and decided to conduct the seminar, as there was no seminar conducted in this perspective. ……..Some important Dalit researchers, writers, poets and others would participate next day also”.

Ravikumar explaining about the seminar proposal etc

12.05 HRS: N. Ravikumar explained in this way, “So far Communist philosopy of all sorts have been dominating the India Literature since 1930…Marx philosophy, Mao philosophy and ….others were dominating, but not Ambedkar philosophy….In fact, Ambedkar philosophy is considered as Indian philosophy…every aspect of Ambedkar has to be interpreted….”

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018- Kathi Padma Rao-inaugural talking in his own way

The keynote address of Katti Padma Rao: 12.11 pm: KPR started talking in Telugu, “Buddha was a preacher, after Buddha Sankara, Madhwa and Ramanuja came, but they were adhyatmikawadis…….Ambedkar wondered why there was no philosophy in India…to discuss Indian philosophy, one has to discuss tarka, mimamsa, bhashya…Rigvedam that was in Sanskrit came from heaven, but taken by Brahmins….that is how Pani said…in this way it is taught….it is nonsense that peacocks were dancing at the Himalayas….[4]by the Brahmanical Dalit Group…but, that is not philosophy……Mother is guru, as she teaches child not only language but everything..no Brahmin could oppose Ambedkar’s philosophy..what is Purusha sukta, who would believe such nonsense..Vedas were written by Rishis born of men only..the “kumbasambava” stories are myth…when Ramba, Urvasi, Menaka were looked at and semen oozes out and that fell …by which babies were born…are stories…if that is the case, more babies could be produced…Krishna was having 16,000 ladies, if he was with each lady, how many days he would have taken? After 44 years only, he could come back to the first lady… Why Agni, Varuna etc., should be invoked to kill men?…..Ambedkar pointed out in his book “Who were Shudras?”….Ambedkar told Brahmins to learn English and rise and that is why they learned and went to America..I challenge if there is a great man other than Ambedkar, I will give Rs one crore……..I am a Christ Bakta[5], (sings a Christian song) …Ambedkar used to wear 20 dreess material, apply perfumes….he kept 80 sets of shoes / boots….Christians became clean by applying soaps long back…..but not Brahmins, as they were dirty with kumkum, turmeric, varieties of prasad and so on… Ambdedkar revised his theses three times to get PhD ….thus one has to work hard.”

First session of paper presentation, all in Telugu

ANU – Ambedkar seminar- VIPs talk.

Ironically, the poor audience makes researchers worry about the academic proceedings

ANU – Ambedkar seminar- VIPs talk.

Ironically, the poor audience makes researchers worry about the academic proceedings

1.53 pm: Vote of thanks. All had gone for lunch.

28-03-2018 – Paper reading session: 3.00 pm: After lunch, the session started with the talk of Gutur Lakshmi Narasimha, in which he pointed out speaking in Telugu,  “….about the prevalence of confusion to differentiate between “Marxism” and “Ambedkarism.” ….As most of the Ambedkarites have been either ex-communists or with Communist background, many times, they use such terminology and the users and as well as listeners and readers get confused…… The class struggle and caste struggle in the context of economic and political contexts confuse them. Marxists have been claiming that they have been only educating SCs, Ambedkarites and dalits…… All poor people need not be mala or Mathika caste, as whenever, dalits are targetted, only their houses are burnt, but, not that of others. Therefore, dalits have to understand their political enemies and social enemies…Ambedkarism mixing with Marxism also creates confusion..calling it as “vipulavadam.”…there have been problems between SCs and BCs also.”

Ambedkar seminar, ANU, 2018- Sikamani-inaugural

3.40 pm: Sikamami pointed out speaking in Telugu, “The impact of Gandhi has been more on the Harijans than that of  Ambedkar[6]…… “Ambedkar Suprapadam” has also been introduced to attract dalits[7]..  Ambedkarites should take Buddhism as the path to fight”

4.20 pm: Sridevi from Dravidian University rendered in Telugu almost verbose oratory in Telugu repeating the points again and again.

5.10 pm: After tea break, G. Seshu presented his paper[8], “A study of the underprivileged: In the select Novels of Kaveri Nambisan.” She spoke in Telugu briefing the paper as to how the author being a doctor chose to work in remote areas and organized a few health oriented camps for the poor.

5.20 pm: Ankammayya Rao[9] presented his paper in Telugu on “The impact of Ambedkarite philosophy on Bharatiya tatvam”

5.20 pm: E. Harshavardhan presented his paper[10], “Text of protest, poems on context, lyrics of liberation and songs of pride: Dr Ambedkar and online virtual literature,” taking the examples of Pa. Ranjit (Tamil), Ginni Mahi (Punjabi), Somnath Waghmare (Marathi), Manj (Malayalam), Nukathoti Ravikumar, Challapalli Swaroopa Rani  (Telugu).

However, LN took objection that all literature or material mentioning or referring to Ambedkar cannot be taken as an evidence of “the impact of Ambedkar philosophy” on it.

5.50 pm: Joshua[11] presented his paper, “The vision of Dr B. R. Ambedkar reflected, reminded and recollected in my father Baliah,” pointed out how Y.B. Satyanarayanan in “My Father Baliah” reminded duties of a dalit, when Baliah migrated to city, he lost his “caste identity,” but, the moment, he returned village, he was treated as the caste he belonged. However, Baliah father lived in village and achieved his principles.

Guntur LN breifing the paper presentation, pointed out, “All attack on Varnashrama dharma and caste system cannot be considered as the effect of impact of Ambedkar philosophy….Ambedkarites should not and need not be confused with the communist exploitation of Ambedkar and Ambedkar philosophy. Ambedkarism is not Communism and the philosophy is different….As long as communism is useful, the Ambedkarites can use / exploit it for their benefit.” Incidentally, though he gave 5-10 minutes for paper presentation, he took nearly 30 minutes to comment and brief about the paper presentation.

After this, there was “Kavi sammelan” in which poems were rendered in Telugu annd songs were also sung.

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

31-03-2018

ANU – Ambedkar seminar- my selfie not so good

[1] Dr. Deichmann is a shoe business entrepreneur of Germany, who with his generous organization Wort & Tat, has vastly widened the scope of AMG India [“Advancing the Ministries of the Gospel”] services to the poor and needy. Dr. Deichmann, born to devout Christian parents – Mr.Heinrich Deichmann and Mrs.Julia Deichmann — was brought up in Christian faith and discipline and was ingrained with Christian compassion and willingness, to help needy persons. He had the same vision as Bro. John David. http://www.amg.in/index.php/donors/dr-h-h-deichmann

[2] Dr. S. John David,  Founder of “Advancing the Ministries of the Gospel,” an evangelization organization – AMG. http://www.amg.in/component/content/article/24-locations/52-chirala

[3] On 23-01-2018, in a function held at Chennai , Kanchi Sankaracharya was seen sitting in “Dyana mood” while “Tamithai vazthu” was sung.

[4] Actually, he was ridiculing Meghadhuta verses. Here, Himalayas means not the “snow covered areas,” but, valley s also.  Even today, in Rishikesh and other places, anybody can see peacocks.

[5] He has been a Christian and he claims so with pride, as poet or expert in literature, he must have read Christian literature also and therefore, his sarcastic and blasphemous comment against one religion smacks his calibre. He also claimed that he was Christian, studied in Sunday schools and sang songs, thus, he could get influenced to write such songs. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sXzCYqahpAk; His misinterpretation of Sri Venkateswara Suprapadam could be seen here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kl-_fxyCuIs; His Christian association continues, as he was part of “The Christian Secular Party” – https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/hyderabad/New-political-party-launched-in-Hyderabad/articleshow/30853956.cms

[6] Garada, Rabindra. “Gandhism, Ambedkarism and Marxism: An Analytical Discourse For Dalit Liberation and Emancipation.” Global Journal of Human-Social Science Research (2015). He has made a comparison among the three different philosophies.

[7] This has been similar to the “inculturation” methods adapted and adopted by the Christians exploiting the popular Hindu symbols etc. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZdTfro4uiuU

[8] See Abstarcts, p.14.

[9] See Abstarcts, p.12.

[10] See Abstarcts, p.8.

[11] See Abstarcts, p.27.