Is it difficult to write 100-200 years old history faithfully and honestly in the Indian context? Government sponsored histories (4)

Is it difficult to write 100-200 years old history faithfully and honestly in the Indian context? Government sponsored histories (4)

October 19, 1952 to December 15, 1952 – hunger strike by Potti Sreeramulu: As there was delay again, Sreeramulu resumed his hunger strike on 19 October 1952, at the Madras house of Maharshi Bulusu Sambamurti. Tanguturi Prakasam Panthulu used to visit the hunger-strike camp daily and inquire about his health. The Gandhian, Yerneni Subrahmanyam, used to shed tears secretly seeing his plight. Though Sriramulu became physically weak, he was mentally strong and declined to give up his fast. On the 56^th day, he passed into a coma and a couple of days later, he developed breathing problems.  Sreeramulu died during the night of 15 December 1952. In his death procession, people shouted slogans praising his sacrifice, with thousands more joining as the procession reached Mount Road, Madras. This made them to shout[1], “All Aravavadus should die, and we want Andhra Rajaya”. The procession broke into a riot and accompanying destruction of public property.  Though, it happened in Madras, seldom this is discussed.

What EVR (1879-1973) was doing in 1952?: Soon after the Constitution was adopted on 26 January 1950, efforts were made to propagate Hindi for official usage. In 1952, the Ministry of Education launched a voluntary Hindi teaching scheme. On 27 May 1952, the use of Hindi was introduced in warrants for judicial appointments. The DK and DMK leaders were there in Madras carrying out their political activities. The DK version of Veeramani gives these details, “E.V. Ramasami Naicker opposed the scheme of New Elementary education on the basis of the parents hereditary occupation, introduced by the CM Rajaji  He and his followers erased with tar the Hindi-name-Boards in all Railway stations reportedly all over Tamil Nadu on July 27, 1952. ………The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution – Periyar Trust – A Public Charitable Society was registered in 1952.” However, the defacers of the Hindi letters were penalized and imprisoned on the grounds that they irritated the populace. However, the Anti-Hindi agitation, which began in August 1952, began to spread widely[2]. He stated that the Sanskrit script, Devanagiri, was used to write Hindi, but the agitation was against the language, not the script. At last, he pulled out the Counter Hindi fomentation with a confirmation from the press. If the government forced the use of Hindi, he made the decision to burn even the national flag[3]. However, in November 1952, there was news that EVR was supporting him for his policies[4] ending his 30-year old opposition. Therefore, it is not known how they were reacting to fast unto death of Potti Sreeramulu very near to their houses. How foreign media reported can also be noted in the context.

Anti-Hindi agitation and the formation of linguistic based states: The anti-Hindi agitation has to be analyzed carefully:

• When the demand was there for the creation of states based on language, why Hindi should be opposed in the context has to be noted.
• No separate state can be created with Hindi as the majority state, as Hindi is already used in the northern states.
• All the Hindi speaking areas cannot be formed into single state, as definitely other states would object to it. Thus, Hindi cannot be a uniting factor, even for Hindi speaking people.
• Unlike Tamilnadu, there has not been any serious opposition to Hindi from the South Indian states.
• In fact, the four South Indian states have to be created only based on four separate languages.
• Incidentally, in India next to Hindi, Telugu is spoken by many people.
• However, it is not known as to whether the Dravidologists opposed Telugu, as the agitated against Hindi. Therefore, the anti-Hindi agitation by the Dravidian protagonists seems to be more to the assumed race ideology and racism, rather than the linguistic reason. However, how the demand for “Dravidastan” was reduced to Tamilnadu and that was also abandoned by C. N. Annadurai (1909-1969) and all – is well-known. For coming to power, they sacrificed their ideological “Dravidastan”![5]

Why EVR could not have met Potti Sreeramulu when they were living / staying nearby?: Some may give a reason – In every state and every region, there had / has been many leaders and therefore, not much importance was / is given to all leaders and hence, some were / are not covered in the history books. However, communities, sectarians and  groups create their own leaders with literature. When they were living in the same time being contemporary, that too, with 5-10 kms, it cannot be said that they were not known to each other. When they were engaged in the social and political issues with their followers, it is unbelievable that they were carrying out such activities without knowing each other. In Madras, thus, thousands of leaders, politicians, scientists, musicians, religious Mutt Heads and others always used to come and go and meet also. When EVR had been so eager to meet Jinnah and Ambedkar and others, it is intriguing as to why he could not have met Potti Sreeramulu living nearby. In fact, he could have met him, discussed and resolved the issue also. However, such meetings, attempts or peace processes undertaken have not been noted or recorded by the historians or researchers.

A balanced view should be taken in portraying leaders: Netaji Subash Chandra Bose, Pon. Muthuramalinga Thevar, V.V.S. Iyer and such other leaders are not dealt with properly by historians and researchers. About the Bose, the end is in mystery. About others, though their work has been enormous and remarkable, not many of the current generation know about. While mythologization has been going on in other cases, as discussed above, here, in these cases, perhaps, negationism is followed so that they may be forgotten soon. As for as Indians are concerned, they have treated all leaders equally and know them. Definitely, the learned and experienced regional leaders worked with a national outlook, as they know all Indians have to live and carry out their duties and responsibilities by depending upon each other. Therefore, the history of them has to be recorded for posterity without any bias, prejudice and concoction on any account. The recent attempt of “Azadi ka Amrutotsav” has been good, as it brings out many regional freedom fighters to the public. As it is done through print and electronic media, the message reaches many Indian of all parts of India.

Government sponsored history would be one-sided only: Modern administrative, political, democratic and other processes may not be 100% foolproof. 50% voted and 50% not voted, yet the won candidates, with the majority party forms the government and rule.

• In the same way only, 700 years of Mohammedans ruled and 300 years of colonial forces rule, but they could not rule all the Indians living in all places of India.
• In fact, it is a myth that they ruled entire India, but, historians write and teach so.  
• Crores of Indians were living without any impact of these ruling groups.
• In other words, they were carrying out raids, looting and running way many times.
• Till they tried to negotiate with the local rulers and getting settled down, they could not rule Indians.
• For that only, they learned the languages, appointed Pundits, translators and dubashis and other negotiators.
• Then, they appointed Indian agents to collect money in the form of tax assuring to provide safety, army, artillery, horses and other facilities.
• Good managers, mediators and negotiators enjoyed life and earned much to become rich-mirasidar, tashildar and zamindar.
• Though, already such categories were there operating, these categories were Mohammedan and colonial sponsored ones.

Thus, the histories formulated or written by them would be of that nature only.  Here also, whatever history produced would be one-sided, official and imposed on others.

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

15-05-2024

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[1] “Aravavalantha chavala, Andhra Rajyam kavala” M. P. Sivagnanam, Suyaatchi Pirivinaiya? (Is Autonomy Separation?), Inba Nilayam, Chennai,  1959, p.27.

[2] G.O. No. 3471, 1957, p.7.

[3] G.O. No.1814, 1953, p.3

[4] Indian Daily Mail, Periyar ends 30 year- old opposition to Rajaji, Singapore, 27-11-1952, front page.

[5] Remember, the Dravidologists asserted, “If at all we want to get, we shall get only Dravidastan, otherwise, crematory grounds” [அடைந்தால் திராவிட நாடு, இல்லையென்றால் சுடுகாடு = adainthal dravida nadu, illaiyendral sudukadu].

Is it difficult to write 100-200 years old history faithfully and honestly in the Indian context? – Ideological struggle (1)

Is it difficult to write 100-200 years old history faithfully and honestly in the Indian context? – Ideological struggle (1)

Writing recent and contemporary history: The true, authentic and 100% genuine history of the persons who were, have been and are so dominant, powerful and authoritarian, cannot be written faithfully and sincerely. So also the political, military and martial activities, struggles and combats cannot be recorded honestly. Though the facts of such persons and events are known to many, they may not be able to tell them out openly. Even if fallen angels are there, it is difficult to write about them or making angels out of demons is also a much more difficult task. As time goes on, either people start forgetting the past or the past is made to be forgotten by the vested groups.  Mostly, such narratives and discourses result in whitewashing or colourwashing the contemporary history. Historians claim that they do not require any objectivity, then, it works well with the writing history of the current leaders and events. Censor, editing, expurgation, expunction and even destroying evidences had / have been the processes of suppression of facts. In history writing or historiography, whether the intention or their culpability of historians to do so, is not known or discussed.

Is the history of the last 100 – 200 years known to all Indians?: India has been divided into States and Union territories, mostly based on the linguistic factor and few on other colonial related issues[1].

• Andaman and Nicobar Islands
• Laccadive, Minicoy & Amindivi Islands (later renamed Lakshadweep)
• Delhi
• Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu
• Manipur
• Pondicherry, Mahe, Yanam
• Tripura
• Himachal Pradesh

Significantly, the history of the last 100 – 200 years is not known to Indians of the current generation and also youth.  The South Indians do not read the history of North-west and North-east of India. Andaman and Nicobar, Laccadive Islands are considered as tourist spots and their history is not studied. The north-eastern states are rarely read either in history books or daily newspapers. Whenever, anything negative happened, that is alone prominently reported[2]. This type of unbalanced conditions creates many misunderstandings among the common people. Many North-eastern and Kashmir students are found in many Universities and Colleges in South India and other places. Though, they could be identified easily, they are treated well and return to their states with degrees. Perhaps, they carry the sweet memories (with some history) also to their native places. However, it is not known how many South Indians, particularly, the Tamils or Dravidian protagonists go to the North-east and study there. Of course, there is no peaceful conditions there in Kashmir and north-east like other parts of India. Therefore, the students who studied and going back, should tell their people to keep their states peaceful, and conducive so that students from other states go there and study.

The syllabus of the State cannot differ much from the national main-stream: Each State and Union Territory have their Ministry of Education and department and they formulate the syllabi for all the subjects taught in the schools and colleges. Though, SCERT has been there, the State Education Department takes decisions, finalizes syllabi, produce books and distribute them. Thus, ultimately, only those books have authority over the students for all purposes. Here, whenever the government changes with the newly elected political party, the syllabus, particularly that of arts, humanities and languages are subjected to change. The lessons of erstwhile government rulers, details and favourites would be removed completely. The life-history of the leaders of the newly elected party-government would be included in edited version[3]. This is how, the state and regional textbooks suffer. Thus, the State Board, Matriculation, NCERT and other categories have their own syllabus and books also. Mostly, they cater to the needs of the candidates appearing for competitive exams also. Thus, such books help the students well. If this difference, differentiation and categorization impact the students, then, the academic experts should be careful for balanced conditions. As crores of Indian students appear for many common entrance examinations, they cannot be fed only with the regional affairs. Nowadays, language is also made controversial for competitive entrance examinations[4].

Race, race-related myth, hypotheses and theories are followed: Linguistic superiority, importance and divisive issues also make certain states to behave differently in their approach towards other states that speak different languages. Definitely, the “Aryan-Dravidian” dichotomy makes the pro-linguistic harbingers to have a distinctive ideology in South India[5]. The concept of race was proven unscientific and such hypotheses and theories were rejected already[6]. The ideologically moulded propagandists with the concepts of race, racism, racialism, language, caste and related social issues make more divisive conditions[7]. New hypotheses and theories have been floated, developed and even included in the academicia and such modern-day racial myths are made to believe[8]. Ironically, the historians promote and support such unscientific race related hypotheses and theories. Even international experts change their stand, if they change their stages[9]. As far as the political leaders are concerned, they are not bothered about anything scientific, though, they reportedly hail science and technology. Thus, the history of their leaders is suppressed, edited and even modified to suit the political, social, economic and religious exigencies.

Communism is mixed with regional separatism easily: With the Communism added to certain political splinter groups and the Communists themselves divide them into different groups with various ideologies interpreted[10]. Thus, these fringe elements joining with other separatist parties join together ruling roost with people groups. Linguistic exclusivism turned regional separatism gets ideological support from these ideological groups. Thus, the ideological concepts of self-determination, the right to secede and such others ideas are with the linguistic exclusivism, regional separatism and racial superiority[11]. Either North India or South India always placed each other at loggerheads without any major problem that reflects even today in socio-economic and religious-political issues. Now, the north-Indian workers working in Tamilnadu has been made a political issue, however, the infiltration of Bangladeshi workers is not questioned. In fact, Mamta Banerjee has an accommodative political policy for them[12]. Politically, though, the Communists lost their power, ideologically, they continue to influence historians, history forums and history, as could be noted from the proceedings of IHC, SIHC etc.

Politicized commerce, ideologized business and monopolized trade: Newly generated cinema, cricket and media commercializations cross all linguistic bearers, of late, they also add to the existing separatist tendencies[13]. Here, surprisingly just like medieval Indian martial and marital alliances, they too have coalition, alliances, franchise etc., converting such business enterprises to monopolies. “Hindi teriyadu poda” (I do not know Hindi) and making Hindi films, creating Hindi and other north-Indian language channels etc., have become their part of business, where their contradictions are not hidden or suppressed[14]. Thus, here, also, the audience or consumers can only see only what the media magnets impose and not what the viewers want. However, regularly, the mobile and internet charges are paid by the common public and collected by those who politicized business and monopolized trade. Thus, the followers might be surprised how their favourite Heroes have been in the wrong side or in different politicized lobby[15]. Under such circumstances also, the media gods and goddesses cannot be questioned, even, many know about their recent-past history.

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

15-05-2024

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[1]  For various reasons, the status of them are kept as Union Territory and also changed to State, vice versa, as happening in the case of several North-eastern states.

[2] Recently, much has been reported and debated in the local Tamil channels about the Manipur incidences, as otherwise, Manipur is never thought of by them.

[3] All the details that are not favorable would have been removed and other details glorifying that characteristics, whether they were possessed by the leaders or not, would have been mentioned there. In fact, the book-writers of such caliber only be appointed as the members of text-book committee.

[4] The NEET (UG) 2023 would be conducted in these languages: English, Hindi, Assamese, Bengali, Gujarati, Kannada, Malayalam, Marathi, Odia, Punjabi, Tamil, Telugu, and Urdu. 

[5]  In Tamilnadu, even today the politicians, theoreticians and ideologists – known as Dravidologists – believe in the Aryan-Dravidian races and target one particular community for their survival.

[6]  Yet, they talk about “Dravidian stock,” “Dravidian model” etc., and produce books also for propaganda.

[7] But, the main-stream elite, eminent, emeritus, progressive and other secular bandwagon of historians do not correct, check or condemn them, rather promote them.

[8]  The existence of races Aryan and Dravidian, Aryan invading India and driving the Dravidians to South and such other theories are still accepted and studied in the academic syllabus and competitive examinations.

[9] The speeches of Asko Parpola during the last 50 years could be noted – when he attended Chemmozhi conference and presented his paper, he changed completely.

[10]  Many groups were / are operating e.g., – The Tamil Nadu Liberation Army (TNLA) – https://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/terroristoutfits/TNLA.htm

[11]  Even political parties have been there with such ideologies, but now, slowly, they have started playng down and singing different song. It may be noted that PMK of Tamilnadu was having such ideology, but, now it is in the NDA / BJP alliance in 2024.

[12]  There have been a lot of news, how the infiltrated Bangladeshis are settling down in the border areas of West Bengal getting Aadhar  card, Voter ID, ration card etc.,

[13] India has to deal with thousands of such groups – https://www.satp.org/terrorist-groups/india

[14] I do not know Hindi – எனக்கு இந்தி தெரியாது போடா became some sort of propaganda with T-shirts, social media postings etc., where, the DMK leaders too participitated.

[15] The advertisements appearing – from cricket to real estate – in the print and electronic media speaks volumes of such duality or commercial hypocrisy.

“Quest for Equity”: proceedings of the Dr B.R Ambedkar International conference “Reclaiming Social Justice; Revisiting Ambedkar” held at Bangalore from 21st to 23rd July 2017 – First day (21-07-2017).

“Quest for Equity”: proceedings of the Dr B.R Ambedkar International conference “Reclaiming Social Justice; Revisiting Ambedkar” held at Bangalore from 21^st to 23^rd July 2017 – First day (21-07-2017). 

Well-managed International Conference: When I first saw the ad about the Dr B.R Ambedkar International conference “Reclaiming Social Justice; Revisiting Ambedkar” to be held at Bangalore 21^st to 23^rd July 2017, in “Business Standard”, I registered online to attend the Conference. Then, I tried for “Paper presentation”, but I got a message, it was over. I wondered with doubt as to how it could be over, immediately on the same day, the ad appeared. So I sent an e-mail to the organizers mentioning that I have specialized about the “Historical meeting of Jinnah, Periyar and Ambedkar” and I would like to present a paper[1]. I got a phone call from one “Shabin” (99565 53812) inviting me to attend the conference and talk at one session on 22^nd morning and informed that I would be receiving an official mail with details. On July 18, 2017, I got reply-mail, from Dr. S Japhet (Special Officer, Bengaluru Central University), Convener – Conference Organizing Committee – Ambedkar International Conference, “We are writing to confirm that you will be speaking at the scheduled in Bangalore from in Bengaluru.  Your session is planned on the 22nd July between 11:15 am and 12:45 pm. Topic: Nationalism and the idea of India. Request you to kindly send us an abstract and a short biography at the earliest.” Immediately, I send them. When they enquired about, travel, though I requested train journey, they booked flight tickets and sent making me surprised. I understood that the conference was sponsored by the Karnataka Government and various events were entrusted to professional event management personnel. When I landed in Bangalore, I was taken to Lalit Taj Hotel by a car and accommodated immediately, where I could meet my friend Dr S. Balakrishna Hegde also. There was a separate desk for the delegates and rooms allotted with the list. We were asked get ready immediately, as we had to reach the venue for inauguration. As CM and other VIPs were coming and there would be heavy security checking, we had to start immediately.

Some delegates can be seen already there at the Hotel.

Delegates were taken to the venue by bus.

The delegates were assisted by the “event management” experts.

Speakers / paper presenters – Dr Hegde, Chinnaiah Jangam and others (from Bharathidasan University, Trichy) could be seen.

We were taken inside the auditorium by the side entrance.

Yet, there was a huge crowd and we had to wait and get into with much difficulty.

The speakers, invitees and delegates had to pass different hurdles to enter.

We had to wait outside to get space inside.

Theme of the conference: The organizers had given the details of the conference as follows[2]: “This Conference takes place at a time when the values of social, political and economic justice are under attack at several levels: constitutional norms and public institutions created to fight against dominance and subservience have proved inadequate or have been subverted; norms and policies often pay lip service to egalitarian considerations; and the rise of social intolerance and exclusion tends to effectively whittle down or even sabotage an inclusive conception of polity and citizenship. The complexity of the social, political and economic environment in which the value of social justice has to be envisaged too has undergone significant changes too: we understand social inequality and diversity to be layered and multidimensional; and the state has to reckon with several competing centers of religious, communal and cultural allegiances. Despite these challenges new sites for social and political assertions have reemerged renewing the call for social justice. Social activism in India today is much inspired by Dr B.R. Ambedkar’s insightful work analyzing complex social and political challenges and proposing daring and radical policy measures in response. His approach to critical intellectual and policy challenges may inspire similar interventions elsewhere in the world, particularly in the global South.

View from gallery of the stage and auditouirm where already VIPs and press people sat down.

Selfie taken by me – Dr Balakrishna Hegde sitting by me. Other foreign speakers can be seen on the back row.

View of the speakers / invitees sitting in the galley.

Crowd suring inside the gallery, as there was no space down in the main hall.

Another selfie taken by me.

Yet another selfie taken by me from the gallery.

Social, political and Economic Justice: “This conference is an invitation to substantially re-think current social, political and economic paradigms motivated by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s imaginative and creative work.

The conference has the following objectives:

(a). To explore the idea of social justice for a society that encompasses manifold social inequalities, deep diversities, exclusion and marginality.

(b). To suggest constitutional, institutional and policy responses to the concern of social justice.

(c). To reformulate the conceptual and policy linkages between social justice on one hand and other related norms and concerns.

(d). To identify modes of thought and social and political practices inimical to the pursuit of social justice.

(e). To delineate social and political agency and modes of action conducive to the furtherance of social justice.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s conception of social justice and his life’s work shaping the idea of India through it offers the Conference a vantage point for sustained reflection on concerns of social justice and its relation to other human values in India and elsewhere. Such a Conference would encourage a wide inter-disciplinary engagement among academics, scholars, activists and policy makers on the sub-themes outlined here below:

Hall getting filled, before the arrival of the CM and other VIPs.

Stage arrangement continued before the arrival of VIPs.

Idea of Justice: The idea of justice is considered as follows:

(a) Social justice and human equality

(b) Justice and the market

(c) Justice and culture

(d) Justice, exclusion and marginality

Conventionally the idea of social justice is primarily concerned with the distribution and redistribution of a variety of human wants and needs, powers and resources. While Ambedkar dwelt extensively on the wider concern of social justice he focused his attention primarily on social marginalities that keep people ‘outside the fold’ by denying them cultural and social access to social belonging. Under deep diversity which predisposes people to different ultimate values, social relations and cultural dispositions, he felt, some belief systems may even justify unequal access to social resources. Keeping the idea of human dignity in the forefront, Ambedkar embraced a model of social justice with radical equality and democracy at its core. The role and place of the market came to be redefined in the process.

Some commotion between the press, those sitting in the auditorium and others.

The commotion continued……………….

Political Justice: The idea of political justice is also pondered over as follows:

(a) Nationalism and the idea of India

(b) Nation-state, citizenship and sovereignty

(c) Democracy and representation

(d) Rights, constitutionalism and rule of law

Ambedkar was deeply committed to democratic modes of resolving social and political disagreements. He understood democracy to be a political association of equal and free citizens defining itself in the indefinite future. He was committed to designing democratic institutions for post-colonial India as a politician, lawyer and the Chairperson of the Drafting Committee of the Constituent of India. While he endorsed modern political institutions he invoked a complex notion of citizenship: one that recognized deep cultural and religious diversities and a sustained conversation across them. This socially embedded character of citizenship motivated ideas of political representation of groups that was novel and unfamiliar to conventional liberal democratic theory. Further, the prospects of nationalism as a political ideal was informed and limited by the nature of citizenship.

The commotion over ..standing of the press continued………

The police intervened to settle………………….

some adjustments………………………………….

Social Justice and Social Context: The Social justice, nowadays, a highly catchy expression is considered as follows:

(a) Caste, class and identity

(b) Marginality, degradation and exclusion

(c) Categorizing the disadvantaged and public policy

(d) Social movements and social transformation

Dr. Ambedkar undertook many studies examining specific social formations, particularly India, and proposed new categories for social analysis. In this work he emphasized the need to concretely study social relations before developing social categories for public policy. These new social categories and analysis were at the core of the theories of social justice he advanced. Ambedkar argued that political democracy without social and economic democracy has little to offer to the vast masses of India. He emphasized the interrelated ways in which caste and ethnicity sustained relations of patriarchy and reproduced marginality of women. He advanced the view that the category of class could not be the basis for a viable political movement unless it addressed caste and other social cleavages undergirding it. He argued that a democratic polity should be partisan to social movements striving for social justice. While the substantive concerns of Ambedkar were deeply bound with Indian society and its transformation, the methodological perspective that he developed has wider application. In this context the conversation across class, caste and gender inequalities needs to be reopened, and new strategies of mobilizing for social justice need to be forged.

At last, the CM and other VIPS came…………..

The CM, Congress leader, Martin Luther – III, Sathyarthi …………………and others.

Economic Justice: And economic justice is theorized as follows:

(a) Constitutionalism and the market

(b) Development and redistribution

(c) Equity, marginality, and affirmative action

(d) Environmental concerns and social justice

Ambedkar envisaged a pro-active role for the state and public policy to intervene in favour of the disadvantaged and marginalized. While he supported state intervention in the economy, he also stressed the need to adopt strong policies for affirmative action that reshaped the state and made it representative, responsive and accountable. Above all, Ambedkar developed a pragmatic view on the relative ability of the state and the market to achieve social, political and economic justice. The turn to market oriented economic reforms in India and elsewhere poses new challenges for the social vision that Ambedkar bequeathed. This conference is an apt platform to think through Ambedkar and offer imaginative and creative strategies to achieve economic justice in a modern complex economy.

Social Justice and the Cultural Domain: Social justice is placed in cultural domain and placed as follows:

(a) Religion and social justice

(b) Religion and communalism

(c) Secularism and cultural pluralism

(d) Cultural dominance and the cultures of the marginalized

For Ambedkar, religion is of critical personal and social value as it upholds the moral fabric of a society and ensures its creative reproduction. In his work he emphasized the public and social effects of religion. However, his critical engagement with existing religions was far-reaching and he saw in the Buddha’s teachings essential ingredients to sustain a good society. He understood the relationship between culture and human agency dialectically: cultures can undermine human agency and sustain subservience and marginality or they can nurture a positive and affirming human agency. There is only one world to cherish: the human world. The secular domain of everyday and ordinary living becomes the space for self-perfection. He strongly believed that the clue to resolution of incommensurable beliefs lies in the expansion of the secular domain.

21-07-2017 (Friday) – First Day: The three-day conference to be held at the complex of GKVK [Gandhi Krishi Vigjana Kendra], Bellary Road, Bangalore – 560 065. We left for the venue by 1.30 pm by bus. We were taken in a side entrance to the hall, as there was huge crowd pouring continuously at the venue and auditorium. The delegates were asked to go to gallery and sit and even there, many persons (activists and party workers) coming inside, forcibly occupying and sitting in the chairs. They did not bother the Hotel-escorts and police. All were made to wait for more than three hours. There was commotion over sitting, position of media persons and others. Many times, they were shouting at each other for obvious reasons. Then, we came to know that the organizers were expecting Rahul Gandhi, the Vice President of AICC. Heavy security, as Rahul Gandhi was coming there to inaugurate the conference. The evening was politicized with discourses of politicians and invited VIPs like Martin Luther – III, Nobel laureate Kailash Sathyarthi, Prakash Ambedkar, grandson of Dr Ambedkar  and of course Rahul Gandhi. Notably, the speakers in general, delved upon criticizing the present rulig Central Government, the PM and his party.

VIPs – Mallikarjuna Garge, Sathyathi, Martin Luther, Rahul Gandhi, Siddharamaiah, Prakash Amedkar………………

Sathyaethi and Prakash Ambedkar speaking…….

After the much political discourse, the politicians left the podium for the cultural program…….

Much inconvenience caused to the speakers and delegates: There was a lot of inconvenience caused to the speakers and delegates including who came from aboard. Actually, the auditorium could accommodate only 1,000, invitation was sent to 3,000 of various categories like SC, Ambedkar and related organizations. Therefore, the huge crowd came tried to enter every nook and corner of the auditorium, and gallery too, where, central seats were allotted for the speakers and delegates. As the crowd was surging and pouring, they tried to occupy every seat. Moreover, all were kept there for three hours, till the VIPs started coming and occupying the stage. Rahul Gandhi came with VIPs by 5 pm and inauguration started. As usual, the rituals started and when they tried to lit the lamp, they were with shoes on. Even during the lighting the lamp, nowadays, as it was done by a candle, they were searching for a candle. Then, it was over. The English speech of Martin Luther King – III  had been Latin, as his accent and pronunciation of names created waves of laugh among the audience. After a cultural programme, the VIPs and speakers were taken to “Taj West End” Hotel and given extravagant food, drinks and hospitality. Then, we returned to the hotel. Thus, the first day conference was over!

© K. V. Ramakrishna Rao

24-10-2017

[1] K. V. Ramakrishna Rao, The Historic Meeting of Ambedkar, Jinnah and Periyar, Proceedings Volume of the 21st session of the South Indian History Congress,  Madurai, 2001, pp.128-136.

Ilankovan Rajasekaran, On the same page, Frontline, Print edition : November 27, 2015, Volume:32
Issue:23; Issue Date: 27-11-2015; http://www.frontline.in/politics/on-the-same-page/article7865983.ece

[2] https://www.questforequity.org/about.php – Themes